Proportion of Hungarians to Slovaks, Roumanians, South Slavs and Germans on the territories taken from Hungary. -- Redrawn from Dr. L. Buday's "Dismembered Hungary."






The stage was set for war. The Triple Entente was determined to prevent the completion of the Berlin-Bagdad Railroad. Russia was bent upon seizing control of the Dardanelles and to use it as an outlet for her ships from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean Sea; and in the support of this plan the "Pan-Slav" movement was carried on with an increased vigor, intensity and terror. French politicians and newspapers, bribed and corrupted with Russian money, were lined up against Germany and they were telling the French people that their enthusiasm for war was fanned by their patriotic desire to seize and take Alsace-Lorraine away from Germany.

While this was going on, Germany was minding her own business, building up her industry, widening the range of her commerce and completing the Berlin-Bagdad Railway system, which, when successfully operated, would have been one of the greatest modern blessings for Europe and Asia Minor. And Austria-Hungary, wanting nothing from anybody, were doing their best in protecting their people from the serious dangers emanating from Serbia and threatening the very existence of the dual monarchy.

The only thing still lacking for the Triple Entente was, a suitable incident that would light the fuse and could be used as a pretext for the outbreak of a war. It was definitely planned that the war should break out in the Balkans.

The Balkan countries are Roumania, Bulgaria, Greece, Montenegro and Serbia, occupying the Balkan peninsula which is bounded on the East by the Black Sea and the Aegean Sea, on the South by the Mediterranean Sea, and on the West by the Adriatic Sea. Roumania borders Hungary on the East and Serbia borders Hungary on the South. After leaving Hungary, the Berlin-Bagdad Railroad's proposed route traverses Serbia and Bulgaria, before it reaches the Dardanelles and Turkey. Hence, from the standpoint of a safe and successful operation of that railroad, Serbia and Bulgaria occupied an important geographical position in the Balkan peninsula. In and with the aid of these countries, Serbia and Bulgaria, the Berlin-Bagdad Railway system could be wrecked.

Serbia is inhabited by people of the mixture of Turkish and of some supposedly Slavic blood and formerly was under Turkish control. Ever since it had been freed from the Turks, it has been a hotbed of intrigues and crimes and the chief trouble maker in and a continuous headache for Europe. It was Serbia that was selected by the Russian and French governments as the most suitable country to light the fuse and to engulf Europe in the flame of a destructive war.

The official character of the government of Serbia and of its officials was of low type; and the Serbian government was of the caliber that would lend itself as a tool to France and Russia. Professor Barnes sums up the character of the government of Serbia in these words:{1}

"The prevailing technique of government in this area has been a mixture of tyranny, intrigue and assassination. In 1903 the entire royal family of Serbia and most of their ministers were assassinated in one of the most brutal murders in the annals of political history. Edward VII of England ostentatiously blacklisted the dynasty which was brought in by the wholesale murderers. The present dynasty of Serbia was thus installed, and it was one of the band of assassins of 1903 who took the lead in the plot of 1914."

A plot was hatched to embarrass and insult Austria-Hungary in some way and so seriously as to provoke a war between Serbia and Austria-Hungary. The people of Serbia were incited against Austria-Hungary, and Serbian terrorists were sent into Hungary, where they attacked and terrorized the Hungarian people and their leaders. The situation became so bad in Hungary, that life and property were no longer safe there. The household of one of the Bishops in Hungary was blown to pieces by a timed-bomb sent to the address of the Bishop by Serbian terrorists, and it is now known that these terrorists were supported and encouraged by the Russian and Serbian governments. Professor Barnes states:{2}

"The Serbian plots and intrigues against Austria were encouraged by Russian approval and by Russian support of Serbian officials and plotters."


It was confidently expected by the plotters that sooner or later an incident would occur, that would cause the outbreak of a war between Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Money and ammunition were poured into Serbia from Russia; in other words, Serbia was being armed for the eventuality of a conflict. Bogitschevich, a Serbian writer, reports that in February, 1914, Serbia's Minister President, M. Pachitsch, had visited the Czar of Russia, when this general conversation occurred between the Czar and Pachitsch:{3}


"Pachitsch congratulated the Czar that Russia had armed herself so thoroughly and followed up the compliment by a modest request for 120,000 rifles, munitions and howitzers. The Czar replied that Sazonov shall be furnished with a list of Serbia's requirements. The Czar asked as to the number of men Serbia can put in the field, and Pachitsch answered half a million. The Czar was delighted. 'That is sufficient, it is no trifle, one can go a great way with that,' said the Czar. They parted with mutual esteem. 'For Serbia we shall do everything,' remarked the Czar, and, parting, the Czar said to Pachitsch: 'Greet the King and tell him: for Serbia we shall do all!'"


In March of 1914 it became known that Franz Ferdinand, the Archduke of Austria, was planning to inspect the Austrian army maneuvres at Serajevo in Bosnia, an Austrian territory. Immediately a plot was formed to assassinate the Archduke during the inspection, and the execution of the plot was turned over to the Serbian Black Hand society, which was financed from Russia and armed by the government of Serbia, its membership numbering about one hundred thousand. To quote Professor Barnes:{4}


"Among the membership of about one hundred thousand were many important officials in the Serbian army and administrative force. They were encouraged in their activity by Russian funds, the instigation of the secret Russian agents, and the definite understanding between the Serbian and Russian governments that Russia would intervene to protect Serbia against any just punishment by the Austro-Hungarian Dual Monarchy."

From official records and reliable witnesses we now know that France also was helping the Serbians in their plot against Austria-Hungary to provoke war. To quote Professor Barnes again:{5}

"Russian gold was poured into Serbia to aid the Serbian plotters against the Austrian state. We also have evidence of direct complicity on the part of the Russian authorities in the specific plot for the assassination of the Archduke. Colonel Bozine Simitch and Dr. Leopold Mandl have shown that there is conclusive evidence that Dragutin Dimitrijevitsch, Chief of the Intelligent Division of the Serbian General Staff, who laid the plot for the assassination of the Archduke, worked in collusion with Artamanov, the Russian military attaché at Belgrade (Capital of Serbia). The French nationalists also encouraged the Serbian intrigue. E. Lemon declared, as early as 1909, that 'Serbia must be made a dagger in the flank of Austria.' France also made extensive loans to the Balkan states, and defeated a loan to Austria."


Not only the Russian government, French political leaders, Serbian government officials and high ranking military officers but also the Serbian King and Crown Prince were involved in the plot to assassinate the Austrian Archduke. Professor Barnes states on reliable authority that:{6}

"The Serbian King and Crown Prince were also thoroughly acquainted with the plot before its execution, and the Crown Prince gave presents to the plotters and helped support their chief publication."


Three Serbian students, Tchabrinovitch, Printsip and Grabezh, who were members of the Serbian Black Hand society, were chosen to execute the plot and to assassinate the Austrian Archduke. "All the three were actually rattle-brained adventurers, consumptives and neurasthenic, they had found it hard to make ends meet, and were ready for any deviltry."{7} These young men then were taken in hand by Dimitrijevitch, the Chief of Intelligence Division of the Serbian General staff, and by his aides, Tankositch and Tsiganovitch, the latter being a friend and confidant of Premier Pashitch of Serbia. "These men gave the three prospective assassins elaborate training in the use of small arms, furnished them with automatic pistols, ammunition and bombs from the Serbian arsenal, and arranged the details of the process of smuggling them into Bosnia, where they awaited the coming of the Archduke."{8}

And Ljuba Jovanovitch, who was Minister of Education, in the Serbian Cabinet in July, 1914, has revealed that:{9}

"The Serbian Cabinet knew about the plot nearly a month before the assassination took place."

The situation was getting tense in Europe. On May 29, 1914, before the assassination of the Archduke of Austria, Colonel House wrote to President Wilson:{10}

"Whenever England consents, France and Russia will close in on Germany and Austria."

But they did not have to wait long; the fatal day was approaching. The plot to assassinate the Austrian Archduke was so well planned that it escaped detection by Austria. The assassins were smuggled into Bosnia by the Serbian authorities and they were well trained and supplied with all the necessary bombs, arms and ammunitions. It is known now that the plot was so carefully worked out in every detail that only a miracle could have saved the life of their intended victim.{11}

On June 28, 1914, while passing through the streets of Serajevo, the Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife were assassinated by the three Serbian students. The long-awaited incident that was planned to be used as a pretext for the outbreak of war, which was instigated in Russia, had at last taken place.

As revealed by "John Bull," July 11, 1914, the plotters were paid the sum of $10,000 and expenses, through the Serbian Legation in London, for the "elimination" of the Austrian Archduke and his wife.{12}

And Izvolski, the Russian co-conspirator of the French President, Poincaré, reports that just after the assassination of the Austrian Archduke and his wife, the King of Serbia sent him this message: "We have just done a good piece of work."{13} This indicates that Izvolski and, no doubt, Poincaré also knew of the plot.

The foregoing evidence proves clearly and convincingly that the plot to assassinate the Austrian Archduke was perfected in Serbia, and that it was known to and assisted by Serbian government officials, high military officers and even by the members of the Serbian ruling family, as well as by the Russian government and French politicians. It is also clear that the purpose of the assassination of the Austrian Archduke was to challenge Austria to a war with Serbia and then force Germany into the fight. It is important to remember this, because in the Versailles treaties and in the Treaty of Trianon it was "affirmed" by the very plotters themselves, that it was Germany, Austria-Hungary and their allies who were the "aggressors" and that they had "imposed" the World War upon the plotters.

In the next chapter you will be shown how Germany and Austria-Hungary tried to avoid the outbreak of the World War.

1 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 154.

2 Ibid, p. 155.

3 Bogitschevich's "The Cause of War," pp. 126-134; "The Genesis of the World War," pp. 140-141; Morel's "Secret History of the Great Betrayal."

4 "The Genesis of the World War," pp. 156-157.

5 Ibid, p. 141.

6 Ibid, p. 161.

7 Ibid, p. 158.

8 Ibid, p. 158.

9 "The Murder of Serajevo," published by the British Institute of International Affairs, 1925; "The Genesis of the World War," p. 150.

10 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 150.

11 The statements and admissions of two of the conspirators may be read in Prof. Fay's articles in "Current History," October and November, 1925; Biography of Bogitchevich.

12 "The Tragedy of Hungary," p. 133.

[sic; no f/n 13]


The proportion of railroads and railroad stocks taken from Hungary. -- Redrawn from Dr. L. Buday's "Dismembered Hungary."








The assassination of the Austrian Archduke and his wife had an infinitely higher international significance than a crime committed by ordinary civilian gangsters. Here was an international crime that was committed at the instigation and with the assistance of the Russian and Serbian governments, with the unmistakably definite purpose of forcing Austria-Hungary and Germany into war. As we have seen, the Russian government had secretly promised to "protect Serbia against punishment by Austria"{1} in the event Serbia should succeed in provoking Austria to military action against Serbia. France and England were in alliance with Russia; and a general European war was desired, in order to defeat Germany and destroy the proposed Berlin-Bagdad Railway system. And, since the territory of Austria-Hungary was indispensable for the completion and successful operation of that railway system, it was planned to defeat and destroy Austria and Hungary also. Germany, Austria and Hungary were facing a serious threat of territorial and national annihilation.

It was obvious that the next move was up to Austria. Ordinarily in an international controversy the interested or aggrieved governments try to settle their controversies or grievances by and through diplomatic means and channels; but such an exchange of international courtesies presupposes and implies honor and decency on the part of both of the aggrieved countries and their governments. How much honor, honesty and decency could have been expected of and from the Serbian government, which was involved in the Black Hand society, and was directing, financing and supplying the assassins with instruction, arms, ammunition, money and explosives? How much reliance could be had on the royal dignity, honor and decency of the Serbian ruling dynasty that had been installed by the murderers who in 1903 assassinated the entire royal family of Serbia and most of their ministers? What could have been expected of the Serbian royal family of which Professor Barnes writes:{2}

"The present dynasty of Serbia . . . was one of the members of the band of assassins of 1903 who took the lead in the plot of 1914."

To handle those political and royal gangsters with kid gloves would have been as futile, as if the President of the United States of America had sent his compliments to the Mexican bandit, Pancho Villa, and requested him kindly to refrain from unceremoniously dashing into the United States of America, robbing and killing unsuspecting and unprotected American citizens. It would have been futile to ask these political and royal gangsters to punish the Serbian terrorists and assassins, because they themselves were the leaders of those terrorists and assassins. There is an old Latin legal principle: "Qui fecit per alium, fecit per se," -- he who acts through another is acting through himself. And it is universally known that when thieves, gangsters and murderers hold the keys to jails, honest citizens are locked up. Under such facts and circumstances to ask the Serbian government to apprehend, try and punish the assassins of the Austrian Archduke would have been equivalent to asking that the Serbian government have itself and the members of the Serbian royal family arrested, tried, condemned and hanged. How much success could the Austro-Hungarian government expect from such a diplomatic request?

When the U. S. battleship, the "Maine," while on a friendly visit in the Harbor of Havana, was sunk by an explosion, the exact cause of which is still unknown, and even though the Spanish government promptly expressed its sorrow over the "accident," the battle cry of "Remember the Maine" was raised in the United States of America and the United States government sent its army into Cuba and then fought the Spanish army, until Cuba was cleaned up of gangsters, robbers, murderers and trouble makers. This happened in 1898 and the action of the United States government afforded an internationally recognized precedent for Austria to follow in the situation she was facing.

When the Mexican bandit, Pancho Villa, with his armed bandits sallied into United States territory and robbed and killed American citizens and even soldiers, the United States government promptly sent into Mexico an American expeditionary armed force to pursue and punish the Mexican bandits. That was in 1916, and no world war resulted from it, because no nation challenged the right of the United States of America to protect herself and her citizens from the armed bandits of a neighboring country. The precedent thus established would have justified Austria to send her armed forces into Serbia to pursue, arrest, try and punish the Serbian gangsters, assassins and bandits.


And when the haughty Mexican government refused to salute the American flag, as demanded by the United States government, we sent our marines into Vera Cruz, with instruction to stay there until the American flag was saluted. That was in 1914 and it was an invasion of a foreign territory; yet no world war broke out as a result of it, because it was universally admitted that the United States had the right to do what it did.


Austria did not follow any of the precedents established by the United States of America; she waited for two days and then the Austrian Minister at Belgrade, Capital of Serbia, inquired from the Serbian government as to what, if any, measures have been taken or what investigation was proposed by the Serbian government to find those responsible for the double murder and to punish the guilty parties. The Serbian government shrugged its shoulders and arrogantly replied


"Up till now the police have not occupied themselves with the affair."{3}


As a matter of fact, the Serbian government made no investigation of the crime; and no investigation was really necessary, because the Serbian government knew who the plotters, conspirators and the assassins were. The Serbian newspapers published glowing and inciting articles about the assassination and glorified the assassins, and proclaimed the assassination of the Austrian Archduke and his wife as a noble and patriotic achievement.{4}

These facts should be remembered especially, because the Paris Peace Conference has accepted the report of its committee, in which it was stated that "the war had arisen in consequence of Austria-Hungary's deliberate intention to destroy this brave little country (Serbia!)."{5}

What would the government of the United States of America do if the Mexican government would finance and direct an agitation in the United States of America among the negro population and urge them to revolt and seize Washington and take control of the government there? What would the American people want their government to do, if the Vice-President of the United States of America, while visiting his farm and constituents in the great State of Texas, would be murdered by Mexican bandits who had been armed, financed and smuggled into Texas by the Mexican government, with the intention of helping the negro population here to rise against our government? Can there be any serious doubt as to what we would do? Long before the funeral would be held, our army would be in Mexico and "mopping up."{6}

Austria waited until July 7, 1914, without taking more action than to inquire of the Serbian government as to what, if anything, it was going to do about the double assassination. On July 7th an Austro-Hungarian ministerial council was held, to which the Prime Minister of Hungary, Count Stephen Tisza, was invited; and it was attended by Count Berchtold (Austrian), the Joint Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Affairs; Chevalier de Bilinski (Polish), Joint Minister of Finance; Baron Konrad (Austrian) the Chief of the General Staff; Kailer (Austrian), Rear Admiral; Count Stürgkh (Austrian Premier; and Krobatin (Slav), Joint Minister of War. In exact proportion, there were six Austrians (including the Pole and Slav) to one lone Hungarian, Prime Minister, Count Tisza.

For the sake of historical accuracy, it should be noted that not a single Hungarian was at the head of the Austrian Empire and that Count Stephen Tisza represented only Hungary, he being the only Hungarian present at the joint ministerial council.


Those present at the meeting and representing the views of the Austrian Empire were of the opinion that Serbia should be suddenly attacked and the guilty parties apprehended, brought to trial and, if found guilty, they should be adequately punished. Count Tisza, the lone Hungarian present, objected to such policy and insisted that Serbia should be approached through the channels of diplomacy and the crisis be settled by means of the usual diplomatic representations. The views of Count Tisza were accepted by the Council and the following resolution was adopted:{7}


1. "All present wish for a speedy decision of the controversy with Serbia, whether it be decided in a warlike or a peaceful manner.


2. "The council of ministers is prepared to adopt the view of the Royal Hungarian Premier according to which the mobilization is not to take place until after concrete demands have been addressed and after being refused, and ultimatum has been sent.


3. "All present, EXCEPT THE ROYAL HUNGARIAN PREMIER, hold the belief that a purely diplomatic success, even if it is ended with a glaring humiliation of Serbia, would be worthless and that therefore such stringent demands must be addressed to Serbia, that will make a refusal almost certain, so that the road to a radical solution by means of a military action should be opened."


In view of the fact that in the indictment, incorporated in the Treaty of Trianon, it is stated that Hungary was the "aggressor" and that Hungary "imposed" the World War upon the Allied and Associated Governments, it should be kept in mind, that the Hungarian government, through Count Tisza, vigorously opposed any move on the part of Austria, that would go beyond the usual diplomatic representations. It should be further remembered that Hungary's position in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was somewhat similar to that of the position of Ireland with respect to England. Hungary could use her moral and persuasive power but she was in no position to prevent Austria from making a stringent move, if she had so desired.

The Austrian government had a secret investigation of its own made of the assassination of the Archduke of Austria and his wife. Then, on July 19, 1914, a second Austro-Hungarian ministerial council was held, in which it was decided that an ultimatum should be sent to the government of Serbia, in which the demands of Austria-Hungary would be specifically set forth. Count Tisza, the Hungarian Premier, consented to the ultimatum, because, as he said,{8} "these demands might be severe, yet not impossible to comply with."

In its ultimatum, the Austro-Hungarian government called the attention of the Serbian government to the fact that under its very eyes and with its own assistance, plotters and criminals were agitating against Austria-Hungary, which was a highly improper conduct on the part of a neighbor. The Serbian government was told that it was highly improper and unneighborly on its part to permit the agitation against Austria-Hungary even after the assassination of the Austrian Archduke and his wife. The ultimatum continued:{9}

"It results from the depositions and confessions of the criminal perpetrators of the outrage of the 28th June that the Serajevo assassination was planned in Belgrade, that the arms and explosives with which the murderers were provided had been given to them by Serbian officers and functionaries belonging to the Narodna Obrana, and, finally, that the passage into Bosnia of the criminals and their arms was organized and effected by the chief of the Serbian frontier service."


Then the Serbian government was requested to condemn publicly the Serbian agitation against Austria-Hungary. The Serbian government was not asked to salute the Austro-Hungarian flag but merely to tell its criminals, gangsters and assassins to stop bothering Austria-Hungary. There was nothing harsh about that and nothing impossible for an honest and self-respecting government to perform. The ten specific demands made in the ultimatum were as follows:{9}


1. "To suppress any publication which incites to hatred and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the general tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity;

2. "To dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna Odbrana, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to proceed in the same manner against other societies and their branches in Serbia which engage in propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Royal Government (of Serbia) shall take the necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved from continuing their activity under another name and form;

3. "To eliminate without delay from public instruction in Serbia, both as regards the body, and also as regards the method of instruction, everything that serves, or might serve, to foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary.

4. "To remove from the military service, and from the administration in general, all officers, and functionaries guilty of propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy whose names and deeds the Austro-Hungarian Government reserves itself the right of communicating to the Royal Government;

5. "To accept the collaboration in Serbia of representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Government in the suppression of the subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy:

6. "To take judicial proceedings against accessories to the plot of the 28th of June who are on Serbian territory. Delegates of the Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investigation relating thereto;


7. "To proceed without delay to the arrest of Major Voija Tankositch and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a Serbian State employe, who have been compromised by the results of the magisterial inquiry at Serajevo;


8. "To prevent by effective measure the cooperation of the Serbian authorities in the illicit traffic in arms and explosives across the frontiers, to dismiss and punish severely the officials of the frontier service at Schabatz and Loznica guilty of having assisted the perpetrators of the Serajevo crime by facilitating their passage across the frontier;


9. "To furnish the Imperial and Royal Government with explanations regarding the unjustifiable utterances of high Serbian officials, both in Serbia and abroad, who notwithstanding their official position, did not hesitate after the crime of the 28th of June to express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility to the Austro-Hungarian Government; and, finally:


10. "To notify the Imperial and Royal Government without delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the preceding heads. The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the Royal Government (of Serbia) at the latest by 6 o'clock on Saturday evening, the 25th of July.


"A memorandum dealing with the result of the magisterial inquiry at Serajevo with regards to the officials mentioned under heads (7) and (8) is attached to this note."


There is nothing in this ultimatum which an honorable, honest and self-respecting government, under similar circumstances, would not or could not accept. What the Austro-Hungarian government said and demanded in effect was this: "You, Serbians, are making too much trouble for us. Stop it. We shall help you to find out who the criminals are and, when they are found, you should have them arrested and tried in your courts and, if found guilty, they should be punished according to your laws." When the Mexican bandit, Pancho Villa, caused us trouble, we did not bother about how the bandits would feel; we just went after them in their own territory.


But what happened? Poincaré, the President of France, who had himself elected with Russian bribe money and who had bribed and corrupted French politicians and the French press, with Russian money, hastened to Russia, before the Austrian ultimatum was sent to Serbia. In connection with his visit the indisputable evidence is that:{10}


"Though Poincaré did not know of the terms of the Austrian ultimatum when he was in St. Petersburg, he urged the Russians to take a strong stand in regard to whatever action Austria decided upon and promised complete French aid to the Russians in whatever policy they should adopt. This promise was subsequently confirmed by Paléologue, and by Viviani from Revel on July 24, 1914."


After reading the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, Russian officials expressed the opinion that war was on:{11}


"We know from Dobrorolski (Chief of Russian Army Staff), that the Russian army officials assumed that the European war was on when they heard of the terms of the Austrian ultimatum. Baron Schilling has recently revealed the fact that Sazonov expressed the same opinion. In fact, on reading the Austrian ultimatum he specifically exclaimed: 'C'est la guerre européenne!' This means a European war."

In the meantime, on July 20, five days before the termination of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, Poincaré was given a banquet by the Russian Czar, at which Poincaré said:{12}


"I have desired to bring your Majesty here in Russia solemn evidence of the unalterable feeling dwelling in every French heart . . . Your Majesty can be assured that France in the future, as always has in the past, will in sincere and daily co-operation with her ally pursue the work of peace and civilization for which both the Governments and both the peoples have never ceased to labour."


It was a nice speech and the Russian government had paid enough bribe money to make its utterance possible.

In Paris the French government coached the Serbian government as to how and what to reply to Austria Hungary:{13}

"Jacques Mesmil has revealed to us that Philippe Berthelot, deputy political director of the French Foreign Office, and an influential person with Poincaré, got hold of M. Vesnitch, Serbian Minister in Paris, and drafted in outline the Serbian reply to Austria."

The password, "Berlin is the door to the Straits" (the Dardanelles) was passed among the Russian officials. Dobroroloski frankly admits that by July 25, 1914, "war was already decided upon."{14}


England was already tied up with France and Russia, and, for that reason, France and Russia were certain that, whatever they might do in the Serbian Austro-Hungarian crisis, England would come to their assistance. The plan of a concerted military action against Germany and Austria-Hungary was already drawn up and was ready to be put into operation at any moment.{15}


"The plans for joint military action, which had been concluded by 1894, were supplemented by a Franco-Russian naval convention in 1912. The French public had been prepared for the prospect of a war over the Balkan problem, hitherto highly unpopular, by corrupting the French press through the influx of Russian gold feverishly demanded by Izvolski for this purpose, and dispensed under his direction according to suggestions offered by Poincaré and his clique. England had made plans for joint naval action with France against Germany as early as 1905, and these were given definite form in the correspondence between Grey (Secretary of Foreign Affairs of England), and Cambon (French Ambassador to England) on November 22, 1912. From 1906 onward the British laid plans with the French for landing of a British expeditionary force on the Continent for cooperation with the French in the West and the Russians in the East to crush Germany between them. In 1912 the Franco-British plans for joint military action were as detailed as those between the French and Russian general staffs. In the spring of 1914 the circle had become complete through negotiations for an Anglo-Russian naval convention."

Assisted by Russia, Serbia was storing up arms and ammunition and smuggled much of it into Austrian territory.{16}

"Great stores of arms had been secreted in Bosnia, and the Serbs expected a national uprising after the assassination (of the Austrian Archduke.) Even Sir Edward Grey (Secretary of Foreign Affairs of England) frankly admitted the situation justified a definite humiliation of Serbia."

The German Emperor took the position that the controversy was between Serbia and Austria-Hungary and it should be settled between them and by themselves, without interference from the outside. He did not believe nor did he wish that a general European war should break out because of the Austro-Hungarian-Serbian crisis. On July 6, 1914, he went on a cruise and, before leaving, he told his military officers that they "did not have to cut short their furloughs to return to Berlin and that no orders for military preparation need be given, as he did not expect any serious warlike complications."{17}

In the meantime Austria-Hungary was awaiting the reply of the Serbian government to the ultimatum which was to expire at 6 o'clock of July 25, 1914.

The hour set for the expiration of the ultimatum was rapidly drawing near; and the diplomats of Russia, France and England were feverishly active in their preparation for war:{18}

"On July 24, 1914, (one day before the expiration of the time set in the ultimatum to Serbia), Poincaré had Viviani send a telegram from Revel, telling the acting Foreign Minister at Paris that France must be prepared to act decisively in the Austro-Serbian crisis. The Russians were encouraged to make their crucial decision upon war on the 25th of July, through Paléologue's statement to Sazanov (Minister of Foreign Affairs of Russia) on July 25th that he was `in a position to give your Excellency formal assurance that France placed herself unreservedly on Russia's side: Between the Revel Dispatch and Poincaré's arrival in Paris (July 24-27) Paul Cambon (French Ambassador) secretly rushed from London to Paris lest Bienvenu-Martin (French Minister of Foreign Affairs) might become too conciliatory in his discussions with the German Ambassador. Cambon thus stiffened up the policy of the French Foreign Office. Berthelot also contributed very clever and competent assistance to the Franco-Russian program at this time through his extremely astute outlining of the Serbian reply to the Austrian ultimatum."

Poincaré already "knew that he could certainly count on Serbia and probably on Italy and Roumania"{19} in the war which he so much wished to break out.

Sir Grey, Secretary of Foreign Affairs of England, was perturbed by conflicting political activities. On July 25, 1914, the day the Austrian ultimatum was to expire, he "was telling the German Ambassador that with reference to the Austrian note he recognized the good right of Austria to obtain satisfaction, as well as the legitimacy of the demand for the punishment of the accomplices in the assassination."{20}

Austria-Hungary was still waiting for the reply of Serbia.

While Austria-Hungary was so waiting, a feverish preparation for war was taking place in Russia:{21}

"The first step was taken at a council of ministers held at 3 P.M. on the afternoon of July 25th. It was here planned to mobilize the four military districts of Odessa, Kiev, Moscow and Kazan (1,100,000 men), as well as the Black and Baltic Sea fleets, and 'to take other military measures should circumstances so require.' It was decided that all military preparation should, for the time being, be directed exclusively against Austria. The mobilization of the fleets proves, however, that even at this early date action against Germany was contemplated. The Minister of War was also authorized 'to proceed immediately to gather stores of war material.' The Minister of Finance was directed to do all he could at once to call in all Russian money in Germany and Austria. The council determined to recall the troops throughout the Russian Empire from their summer camps to their regular quarters, so that they could be equipped for war. All military maneuvres throughout the Empire were called off."


Dobrorolski frankly admits that:{22}


"On the evening of July 25, 1914, a meeting of the Committee of the (Russian) General Staff took place at which it was decided to declare at once a preparatory mobilization period and further to declare a state of war over all fortresses and frontier stations. War was already decided on."

While this was going on, the German Emperor was on a cruising vacation and Austria-Hungary was patiently waiting for the reply of the Serbian government.

It was now the Serbian government's turn to act. At 3 o'clock of the afternoon of July 25th (1914), the Serbian government secretly issued an order for the mobilization of the entire Serbian army of 400,000 men. Three hours later the Serbian government sent its reply to the Austro-Hungarian government.

At this point it will be well to recall the law relating to the question, who is the aggressor? The law is:

1. "The government which, without a just cause or provocation, mobilizes its military forces against another country first is the real aggressor. The mobilization of the military forces of one country against another country is equivalent to a declaration of war on the country against which the mobilization is directed."{23}


Under no stretch of imagination can it be said that Serbia had "a just cause or provocation" for mobilization; and knowing this, the Serbian government ordered mobilization secretly.

The Serbian reply denied that the Serbian government was involved in the assassination of the Austrian Archduke and his wife; promised that the Serbian government would cooperate in tracking down the plotters and perpetrators of the double murder; asked for proof; and told the Austro-Hungarian government that if it did not like the reply, it could go to The Hague.{24}

It is evident that the Serbian government was not sincere in its reply, nor was it intended that the reply should be taken and accepted as sincere. Three hours before the Serbian reply was dispatched to the Austro-Hungarian government, the secret order for the mobilization of the Serbian army was issued. That act was equivalent to a declaration of war against Austria-Hungary. The Serbian reply, therefore, was nothing less than a haughty question: "What are you going to do about it?"

There was only one thing that could be done. The first and foremost duty of the Austro-Hungarian government was to take the necessary precaution and to protect and defend the territory of Austria and Hungary and their respective peoples. To do less would have been a most seriously culpable dereliction on the part of the Austro-Hungarian government. The Serbian army was being mobilized three hours before the Serbian reply was dispatched to the Austrian government and six hours before it was received. The Serbian mobilization was equivalent to a declaration of war on Austria-Hungary. There was no time for the Austro-Hungarian government to temporize.

At 9 o'clock on the evening of July 25th (1914), about six hours after the Serbian government ordered the mobilization of the Serbian army, Austria ordered the mobilization of part of the Austrian army against Serbia.

The sincere and insistent effort of the Hungarian Prime Minister, Count Stephen Tisza, to settle the crisis by and through diplomatic means was thus frustrated by the combined efforts of Russia and France and, indeed, of England.

The evidence that has been adduced thus far clearly shows that Serbia intended to make war on Austria-Hungary, as she was directed so to do by Russia and France. This conclusion is further supported by the fact that

"Three hours before dispatching the messenger with her reply to Austria, the Serbian government ordered the mobilization of the 400,000 men in the Serbian army, and made provision for the abandonment of Belgrade (Capital of Serbia) and retirement to Nish."{25}

On the basis of the facts hereinbefore presented, you surely must conclude that neither Germany, nor Austria, nor Hungary can be justly charged thus far with any act that could be interpreted and adjudged as "aggression" or "imposition" of the World War upon Russia, France and England. Hence, we must conclude that the indictment in the Versailles treaties and the Treaty of Trianon is a fraud, null and void and of no effect in law.

In the next chapter you will be shown how Russia, France and England, together with Serbia, forced the outbreak of the World War.

1 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 156.


2 Ibid, p. 154.


3 Ibid, p. 171; S. Rupprich in "Kriegschuldfrage," September, 1925, p. 618.


4 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 171.


5 Ibid, p. 153.

6 The agents of Communist Russia, at the time of this writing, are urging the American negroes to revolt against the United States government and establish a "Negro Republic" here. A map of the United States of America has been prepared by the Communist agents, on which a "Black Belt" is drawn, extending from the State of Maryland across the United States and ending in California and at the Mexican border. That "Black Belt" is promised by the Communist agents to the American negroes as a "Negro Republic." Will the ungodly Communists bring about a "Serajevo incident" here? We should not lose sight of the fact that we are not so far removed from our beloved former allies! When we were interested in a project to connect the American Great Lakes with the Atlantic Ocean, we heard grumblings from our former allies, a distance of 3000 miles. (See Senate Document, "Justice for Hungary," page 40, 67th Congress, 4th Session, 1923. Senate Document No. 346.)

7 The minutes of July 7, 1914, in the Austrian Red Book, 1919. (English edition, edited by R. Goos, published by Allen and Unwin in three volumes); "The Genesis of the World War," p. 178; Birinyi's "The Tragedy of Hungary," pp. 136-142.

8 Austrian Red Book, 1919; Birinyi's "The Tragedy of Hungary," pp. 137-142; "The Genesis of the World War," pp. 192-197.


9 Ibid.


10 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 191.


11 Ibid, p. 200.


12 Ibid, p. 317.


13 Ibid, p. 201.


14 Ibid, p. 362.


15 Ibid, pp. 308-309.


16 Ibid, p. 117; Ewart's "Roots and Causes of Wars," Vol. II, pp. 1018-1019.


17 "The Genesis of the World War," pp. 254-255; American Historical Review, July, 1920, p. 629.


18 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 403.


19 Ibid, p. 402.


20 Ibid, p. 334.


21 Ibid, p. 335.


22 Ibid, p. 337.


23 Chapter I supra.


24 "The Genesis of the World War," p. 202-208.


25 Ibid, p. 209.