THE CAPTIVITY OF
INCLUDES THE BIBLIOGRAPHY BY C.R.M. AT END
In this transcription, special letters, letters with accents and the like have been rendered in regular English letters.
Footnotes may be found at http://www.jrbooksonline.com/HTML-docs/hakluyt_staden/hakluyt_staden_intro_fn.htm.
Originally posted July 2007 at http://www.jrbooksonline.com/burton.htm.
IT was my fate during nearly three years, between
successors. And, whilst their wigwams have long vanished from the earth’s face, their enormous “kitchen middens”, called by the natives Sambaque, and by the Portuguese Ostreiras, containing thousands of cubic feet, and composed chiefly of Venus (berbigoes), oyster and mussel shells, still stud the coast line and supply the granitic and primary regions with lime, which will presently be exhausted.
Before my transfer from
Stade now steps forth and delivers his testimony about a people who were literally “fleshed with human meat”.
I must apologise to Mr. Tootal for long delay in my share of the work. The
translation was finished in 1869, and it was taken to
Mr. Tootal is alone answerable for the accuracy of his translation. To my responsibility fall the Introduction and the Notes. Its bibliographical portion was kindly undertaken by Clements R. Markham, C.B., etc., whose various literary avocations, to say nothing of official labours, enable him to be, like most hard workers perforce thrifty of their time, a man of comparative leisure. He has also the advantage of consulting libraries and of collecting viva voce information —conditions hardly to be expected in a highly commercial sea-port.
Before proceeding to the old inhabitants of the country, I will describe the
passage of the Bertioga, and a cruise along the coast of
The beautiful Rio Bertioga, popularly known as the Rio Grande, is a sea arm winding nearly east and west, about fifteen statute (=10 direct geographical) miles long, and from three miles to a few hundred yards in breadth; it has a double flow, as the centre forms a water-parting; the western half runs west-ward into Santos Bay, and the other into the Southern Atlantic. At times this Euripus shows the vivacity of a sluice. The depth is rarely under two fathoms, and the bottom is soft mud.
The only vehicle which chanced to be procurable in November 1865, was a “Batelao”, a short thick “Ein-
baum”, with additions fore, aft, and at the
quarters. These nut-shells will ply north, hoping for a calm sea, but nothing
eau persuade them to tempt the “Costa braba” (wild coast) to the south of
Paddling away from my pleasant station, the “Wapping of the far West”; early
in the morning we left at the nearer extremity of Santo Amaro, the old fort
Itapema (“flat stone”), now a heap of dull yellow masonry, backed by two large
kitchen middens, which by this time have probably disappeared. Some care is
requisite when entering the sea-arm’s narrow mouth, as the northern jaw is foul
with hidden rocks. The distant view on both sides is high and grandiose; the
immediate banks are low and swampy, with lumps of detached hill, amongst which
the sphynx-form, as about the granite regions of
fronting, perhaps, some square yards of cane,
occupy holes cut in the luxuriant green bush, and roughly-made canoes are drawn
up the black mire—we might be prospecting one of the “
On the right hand we pass a Morne (earth cliff), denoted by a Ranch or hovel for the use of lime burners. To the left is the Morro de Cabrao, which rises darkly from the light green mangrove,
“A glorious scene, and as the ranks ascend
Shade above shade, a woody theatre
Of stateliest view,”
we especially note amongst the tangled and cordaged
trees a beautiful Veronica, locally called Nyaganhacatiro. Each is a garden of
flowers, purple-mauve in youth, pink in middle life, and virgin white, like the
tallest of English oaks and the noblest of European
elms, as though they had passed through Chinese hands. Art is wholly absent.
Smoke winding from the bush alone shows that the woodland contains homesteads
and farms; whilst palms, as in
The several features of the Bertioga are the Volta Grande, where a sweet-water stream from the Cabrao forms a riverine island; various “Furados” (creeks) in the mangrove bush; the Rio do Quilombo (of the Maroon village) draining the mountains and telling its date of olden days; and, on the right bank two unclean ditches known as the Rio dos Portos and the Rio da Boa Vista. Every site is named,—names are retained for places even when houses have long returned to earth. Some ugly bends deform the stream, where lies a small archipelago, and for about a league and a half the mangrove country lasts: beyond it, the rhizophor still fringes the brown water, but the shore grows higher, and bald patches of yellow rock appear. The wondrously shaggy Serra looks as if man had never placed his foot there. In wet weather cloud-flecks cling like handfuls of wool to thorny shrubs. Now it shows with sharp distinctness a sky-line jagged like a saw, while, misty in the far distance, loom the blue cliffs behind Enseada. And over all are the glow and play of a tropical sun, a dancing of the bright clear air, and the diamond sparkle and iridescence of the sea as it catches the direct or the slanting light. The storm-
tossed Portuguese must have found a peculiar charm in this Rio Formoso of the western hemisphere.
Presently we arrive at the half-way house, the Lagoa de Caete (of good
wood), a small
On the right hand the bearded hills and knolls of Santo Amaro slope gradually to the water-brink. The island,3 once populous and cultivated, and still pre-
serving ruins of Engenhos or sugar-houses, has
become a mass of luxuriant second-growth. With the exception of rice, which
much resembles that of
Santo Amaro island still shows beyond the Cade river the small white Ermida (chapel) of Curumahil, which rejoices in an image known as Nossa Senhora da Representacao, and the stream of the same name leads to the Casa do Pereque, an estate on the north-eastern side fronting the sea. Further again is a gap in the brake-covert called the Burraccao (big hole), which has a short cut over the hills to the Praia de Yporanga near Pereque.
A little beyond Colonel Albuquerque’s house lie the Sitio (farm) and Ostreira of Manoel Luiz Fer-
reira, popularly known as Manecco Manguata. The
little yellow box, built upon a hillock, with a landing-place like those of the
The Corral de Peixe (fish kraal), here a common feature, attracts our attention. It is a winding fence thrown across, or half across, the sea-arm; the material being bamboo poles connected by the black Imbe (Philodendron imbe), which my friends on the Bonny river would recognise as “tie-tie”. The victims are driven by the tide through a Giqui, funnel or narrow passage, into a Camara or bulge; thence a struggle for escape leads them into a second; and, finally, they enter the last pocket known by the tunny-fishers’ name—“Camara da Norte”. Here two men, standing upon the fence, ply a large hand-net fastened to a pole. The produce consists of some eighty or ninety species, of which the most common are known as Savelha or Sardinha and Cavalla; Gallo and Corvina; Bagre and Robalo; Paraty, Paru and Parambeta; Pescado jacu, Pescado branco, and Pescado amarello, the latter often weighing twenty pounds and worth 6$000. The less common are the Sherma and Caratinga; the Badeja and Caranha; the Goette, the Pescado Selvagem, the Pescado Cangoa, and the excellent Garupa and Garupeta.
actually import Bacalhao (salt cod) from
The river presently narrows and makes a distinct bend to the north of east.
The last projection, on the right, is the
After some four hours paddling we sight the open
sea from the embouchure of the Bertioga, where the
hills draw off. On the left is still the tall Serra do Mar, the eastern ghauts
The eastern mouth of the Bertioga is some 600 or 700 yards wide, and from
two to three fathoms deep; it is said to have no bar, the curse of Brazilian as
of tropical African rivers, and I certainly never saw the sea break across it.
Inside is a safe anchorage of eight fathoms, forming a first-rate harbour of
refuge for small craft making
the days when Fr. Gaspar wrote, it was generally
believed that the Discoverer and First Donatory of the Captaincy, Martim
Affonso de Souza, entered the Bertioga channel when outward bound. But the
log-book of his brother, Pero Lopes de Souza,6
clearly shows that, after leaving
Cape S. Roque is so called from Aug. 16.7
Rio de S. Miguel „ „ Sept. 29.
Rio de S. Jeronymo „ „ „ 30.
Rio de S. Francisco „ „ Oct. 4.
Rio de Santa Luzia (Rio Doce?) Dec. 15.
Cabo de S. Thome „ „ ,, 21 (? 22)
S. Salvador da Bahia de todos os
popularly placed on December 25).
Angra dos Reis Magos (Epiphany,
or Twelfth-day) „ „ „ 6.
Ilha de S. Sebastiao „ „ „ 20.
(22nd (?) festival of SS. Vincent and
M. F. Adolfo de Varnhagen (note to History, vol. i, p. 425), finds S. Augustine mentioned in A.U. 1504; St. Vincent is on the map of J. Ruysch, dated 1508, and Cape S. Thomm and Angra dos Reis appear before 1519 (Navarrete, iv, 210). He is therefore justified in attributing the nomenclature to the first exploration of the coast by Goncalo Coelho in 1501, who, by order of D. Manuel, carried on board, as pilot and cosmographer, the much-maligned Italian savant, Amerigo Vespucci.8
We anchored, in deep water, under the Fortaleza da Bertioga on the northern
or mainland shore. The word, according to Fray Gaspar (p. 21), is a corruption
of Buriqui oca, “the house of Buriqui,” a kind of reddish monkey formerly
abundant: at first it was applied to the hill behind the settlement, on the
northern point of the Serra de Santo Amaro, but generally it extended to the
neighbourhood and to the whole sea arm. Vasconcellos (iii, 63) calls it
“Biritioga”, and the author of the Noticia do
The C. O., Manuel dos
is thirty paces in length by seven deep. Six old carronades, for which there is no powder, lie about anywhere except near the embrasures, and only one rusty gun overlooks the wall. In rear of the battery is the normal roof of red tiles, denoting the Quartel or barracks. The door is off its hinges, and a canoe occupies the guard-room. To the right are the commandant’s quarters, carefully shut, and, as the holy-water basin and a wooden cross nailed to the wall suggest, the left wing is the chapel of Sao Joao Baptista.
We may see this kind of thing in any part of old
tory, and rebuilt in 1552 by Thome de Souza.9 After the fashion of the ancient world the first captain wisely preferred, to the continent, the island-site, where defence was easy, where troubles with the natives, who infested the place with hostile canoes, would be least dangerous, and where exports, then the object of colonisation, would most readily be em-barked. Indeed, he forbade his people to visit the interior without special leave, trusting that in time, after the shores had been occupied, an increasing population would spread inland: these sensible precautions were abolished by his widow, Dona Anna Pimentel.
When the Indians saw the Portuguese disembark they fled, headed by their Cacique, to the uplands, and reported the matter to the great warrior chief of the Goyanazes, Tebyreca, Anchieta’s Teverica, Lord of the Prairies of Piratininga—now Sao Paulo, or, more classically, Paulopolis—who had married his daughter to one Joao Ramalho, a Portuguese refugee. The latter, suspecting that a handful of his fellow-countrymen had been driven ashore like himself, accompanied the Regulus who, with three hundred braves, marched upon the Bertioga, and arrived there on the third day to find the tower built and the guns mounted. Martim Affonso made preparations for a regular defence, when a white man walked up within hearsay and welcomed the astonished Portuguese in their own tongue, bidding
them not to fear. Ramalho was then presented to the captain, related his adventures, and promised assistance. Tebyreca, who afterwards prefixed to his name Martim Affonso,10 in sign of baptism and of love for his white friend, was received with due respect, and hastened to make a perpetual alliance with the strangers. Then all was joy. The guns fired, to the terror of the “Red men”, and the latter in kilts and coronals and beautiful plumage, sang, danced, and shot their arrows in the air. The other wild tribes that came hastening to the fray, found the Piratininganos and Portuguese on the best of terms; and the Goya-Dazes, who mostly lived in the interior, easily permitted the foreigners to occupy the coast upon the sole condition of the fisheries remaining free.
The site has seen many a change since Hans Stade was captured,11
in 1553-1554, and the last building was an Armacao (whaling station), also in
ruins and overgrown with bush: a stranger would pass it without a glance. The
landing-place is within the river immediately behind the Morro da Paciencia, so
called because peculiarly trying to craft going south: here are grand
table-rocks of pink granite, but the least sea prevents disembarkation. There
is a stone wharf like that at the present approach to
and blocks are now almost buried in mud. A slippery
path leads up the slope, and the dense bush suggests caution: at this season
(November) snakes are supposed to be abnormally active. Reaching a field of
sugar-cane, we turned to the right, descended some ruinous steps, and found the
remains. The chapel of Sao Joao da Bertioga preserves an arch of cut stone
between the body of the building and the high altar; a pediment, and a dwarf
tower; the sanctuary is broken and the roof has fallen in. A bartizan and a
curtain, with a bluff shoulder facing the sea, show excellent masonry, and the wall that crowns the corner looks as if
freshly made; probably the stones were brought from
At the Fortaleza we must dismiss the wet and cranky Batelao, which objects to venture into the smoking Euseada, or Bay to the east, swept by the full force of the Atlantic, and very dangerous after a
south-wester. I was lucky enough to find a Cana de
Virgens plagas do Cabral famoso,
straight as a bee-line for the little
fishing-village of Fnsearla. It is distant eight long miles by sea, but those
who prefer a land journey can ride nearly the same number of leagues. Looking
back upon the
The place has a bad name in history: before 1850 it was a landing-place for slaves, who were smuggled, as our seaboard once smuggled silks and brandies. On the 16th of May H.M.S. “Rifleman,” Commander Crofton, whose cutter had been fired upon, and one of the crew killed, landed and burnt the Casa de Pereque. I spare further details, especially in these days, when
“All Afric’s sons exclaim from shore to shore,
‘Quashee ma boo! the slave trade is no more.’”
The bay (Enseada) is a long shallow arc protected on the north-eastern side
by the Morro da Enseada, a stony point bending south: the land is the same tall
rocky curtain which forms the Eugua-guassu, alias Monjolo, alias Pilao Grande
(Great Mortar) of
that of the village church in
The people were formerly fishermen, but the “tainha,” a white mullet (Mugil
albula) the herring of this region, whose shoals, according to the “peritos”
(experts), once numbered fifty to sixty thousand, have deserted the coast: the
same complaint is made everywhere between Rio de Janeiro and Conceicao, whereas
south of the latter port “tainha” is still the staff of life. Agriculture has
not proceeded beyond manioc, which thrives tolerably: fruits abound, and a
little cane is grown for Melado (molasses); but sugar, coffee, and caxaca (rum)
are unknown. Formerly Enseada had a high repute for “Batuqueiras,” who
performed much in the style of the Egyptian Alimeh (dancing girls), and the
Beyond Enseada the coast runs nearly west-east, forming a system of headlands and bays, the latter generally giving names to the former: as we advance sun-wards the bights have less sag, and become mere denticulations in the coast line. Three bluffs attracted my attention, the Tres Morros de Imburace: here the rocky, shallow bottom causes the sea to break half a mile off, and this “Carrera” is much feared.
specting a “gigantic marine monster,” which had found its way into the papers. The settlers, said the local prints, called it “Peixe Cobra,” because it swam like a snake and “Igbahe Apena”, or “Diabo Pelado” (bald devil): they represented it to be two hundred and sixteen feet long; three years ago (1863) it had been thrown up by the sea, and it remained alive three days. The body was scaleless and gave no oil. The vertebrae could not be seen, having been buried in the sand, but the gigantic ribs lay on the shore, measuring almost twenty-four feet long, three feet wide, and fourteen inches in thickness: there was also a bone, sword-shaped and triangular, measuring nearly fifteen feet; whilst another, which lay near the ribs and was nine and a half feet in length, was judged to be part of the head. It became, in fact, a regular Dragon of Wantley, which, with a tail unreasonably long, devoured the shepherd as well as the sheep.
The bar of the Una was not pleasant to cross, there are rocks in the channel, and it bends parallel with the seaboard, forming a sand-pit: formerly the Abra de Una was better, but nature has driven it to the east-ward. On the right bank is a low, tiled, and yellow-painted house, one of the twenty-four establishments belonging to the Carmelite order; the chapel is dedicated to the Senhor Bom Jesus. The brotherhood lets it for 50$000 per mensem to a certain Antonio de Goes Moreira, but will not allow the ground to be cultivated. The lessee led me to the disjecta ossa of what was evidently a Balea or whale; the vertebrae had been turned into stools by the cottagers, the people
had drawn oil from the tongue; the tail-piece, which served the newspapers as a sword, had been carried off, and the ribs measured a maximum of twenty-four and a half spans. The total length had been ninety-nine feet, and similar godsends had lately been found at the northern whaling establishment (Armacao)13 of Sao Sebastian, and on the Ilha das Couves (of cabbages). The mammal was hunted off the Ponta de Arpoar, (Harpoon point) to the north in August and September, and in June and July to the south.
The people of Una have not the best of names. Here three municipalities
meet, the third being that of Sao Jose de Parahytinga, and its position makes
it an asylum for thieves and murderers: shortly after I left it, one Joao
Marianna was assassinated at the instigation of his wife. Off the mouth of the
families, who cultivate coffee and catch as much
fish as they please. The Alcatrazes, or
I passed, very unwillingly, a night at the Praia de Toque Toque Grande, a village now containing some
forty-four huts and hovels of fishermen, who have
perforce become cultivators. My object was to examine some reported lead
diggings, which, if they existed, would prove that the highly-important
Yporanga formation, the Derbyshire of the
“Nova lua trovoajada
Trinte dias de molhada.”
We put off for the coast of
sion of three huge waves raised us from the water and tossed us ashore, as if the large boat had been a walnut-shell. A few contusions were the only result. The people rushed down to our assistance, and we met with the usual kindly reception of “shipwrecked mariners” at the hospitable house of Mattheus de Moura.
On the next day, by no means the worse for our adventure, we passed the high
and rocky mainland point Toque Toque, which fronts the lone long Ponta da
Silla, the south-western corner of the island Sao Sebastiao, a little south of
the Forte da Feiticeira, now a plantation. Followed the Praia Brava, with the
Buraca da Velha (old woman’s hole), so called from a dark rugged cave at its
point: this section is steep and rocky, wild and narrow; all give it a wide
berth, as many canoes have been broken and lives lost, especially during the
dangerous south-west wind. About one and a-half leagues from the town of
was offered for 800$000. On
We are now within the canal de Sao Sebastiao,
sometimes called Toque Toque, one hundred and forty indirect miles from
that of the fairest river. An English naval officer declares the Brazilian coast to be deficient in ports: in these parts at least it has some of the best that can be imagined.
I visited more than once the town of
The town of
of a Rua Direita (straight or high street) and a
In 1590, Sao Sebastiao, being then a village, had a filial chapel of Sao Goncalo under the Villa de Santos; when visited by the Administrator of Rio de Janeiro, Doctor Lourenco de Mendonca Prelado, he ordered the building to be removed a gunshot from the shore,
where the Matriz of Sao Sebastiao now stands. The
latter is a long low building, which lacking stone foundations cannot be raised
higher; the tower is to the north, not a common arrangement here as in Styria.
As usual, it is unfinished; three side chapels have been furnished by private
piety, but three still want columns and other necessaries. Below it lies a mass
of human remains; the dead were buried there till 1862, when a small cemetery
was erected by public contributions, the government giving its share of
400$000. Again, the mortuary chapel is unfinished. The main square shows
vestiges of antiquity in the Portuguese pillory with hanging bars to
accommodate four: levantar pelourinho e fazer Villa was the good old
feudal phrase for founding a settlement.15 Behind
it is the prison, in which I found a negro confined for the Guiaca murder. The
main square (Largo da Matriz) contains a small dwelling once inhabited by the
“Palmerston of the
In the long Rua Direita stand the empty barracks and magazine (Trem or
Armazem de Artigos bellicos); the latter was built in 1825 by the military
commandant and last governor of the Villa, Lieut.-Colonel Lopo da Cunha d’Eca e
Costa. In these piping times of peace the guns have been transferred to
the Fortes da Sapituba, da Ponta da Cruz, whose guns cumber the ground, and da Ponta das Cannas, the most salient point: the latter has an old wall of cut stone, probably dating from 1800, and pierced for eighteen pieces; it is in ruins, and has served to build the houses. South is the Forte da Araca (Araxa), opposite the island-work “da Feiticeira.” In this direction also is the temporary Matriz of S. Goncalo, and a brook called “O Ribeiro,” coming from the south-west; the upper part supplies drinking water, and the lower is handy for washerwomen.
Of course there is a Rua da Quitanda (market street), but the supplies are very limited. The people content themselves with cultivating half an acre of manioc, and fish when they please; fresh meat is rare, and the many cannot even afford Carne seta. There are a few shops of the omnium gatherum style in the grassy streets; two bakeries supply bread half-raw, and the square boasts the normal poor apothecary. The people mentioned an Irish doctor, Alexander Newcator, who married a Brazilian wife, and eventually came to grief.
Sao Sebastiao contains two well-frequented schools of first letters for each sex: according to the law of the Empire (October 15th, 1827) they teach Portuguese grammar, arithmetic, the elements of geography, morality, and the religion of the State. The earliest creation was in 1800, under the Professor Alexandre Bento de Barros. At the same time a Latin cum French school was established: it was shut in 1861, as it wanted the legal number of pupils. There are
also elementary schools at the neighbouring places, the Toque-Toques (Grande and Pequeno), S. Francisco, Fuseada, Caraguatatuba, Massa-guasu, and Cambory.
I made a short excursion north of S. Sebastiao to the Bairro de
After walking a league I reached the Bairro de S. Francisco, one of those small outlying places which astonish the traveller in the Brazil.16 In a village with a
single street of scattered houses, backed by
cocoa-nuts and large clearings, and fronted by a Praia (beach) bearing a few
canoes, rises a vast and lofty building of the best masonry, approached by a
fine ramp of masonry, and faced by a substantial stone cross. To the north is a
chapel of the Third Order of Franciscans, now a Matriz: in the centre and
fronting east is the convent church, with a portico supported by two piers and
flanked by a tower. The southern building is a huge convent, which once
accommodated a score of monks, and might have lodged a hundred. Azulejos (
their habitations, and there are no monks to be lodged. At the Bairro, antimony was ignored by all the inhabitants.
fallows; the cultivation is better than on the main
land, and coffee extends 1100 feet high. The aspect reminded me of
All the hill points18 are not named. The pyramidal north-eastern peak is called the Pico do Poco after a Cachoeira or waterfall. Viewed from the north, it is bell-shaped, with a Mamelon on the summit, like the Old Man of Hoy. The north-western summit is the Monte da Pacuiba, green, and rising to a point from its spreading roots the Ponta da Pedra and the rushy Ponta das Cannas. The central height, steep and regularly pyramidal, with a bare stony buttress to the north, is known as the Morro or Pedra de Baipi, or Baijipi, possibly from the name of the cannibals who used to attack the people of CaraguatKat.uba, and who were driven away by the colonists of Santos. To the south is a well-wooded and rounded hill, “O Frade”, a humbug compared with “O Frade” of Paraty, further north, which much resembles a hooded Franciscan.
hands unprotected by gloves, the Sipos (llianas)
tangled the feet, and the Caraguata thorns were more injurious than the
“wait-a-bit”. The people spoke largely of coral serpents, rattlesnakes,
Jararacas, Jararacussus, and other trigonokephali; but in places so damp I made
sure of not finding them. The bats (Noctilio and Molossus) are very common,
whilst the Morcego or vampire, known by its musky smell, does not confine
itself to insects—I have described its habits of phlebotomy in the
We could see on the verge of the open Atlantic to the north-east the Ilha
dos Buzios (Cowrie Island), a lumpy feature like the Cypraea, which gave it a
name, but somewhat saddle-backed; it contains water in abundance, and supports
about a score of families, whose mainland is Sao Sebastiao. Still nearer the
shore and east is the uninhabited island of
The landing-place, whence Baipi can best be ascended, is the settlement of
Pereque opposite the town of
A walk of two miles from the north leads from Pereque to Villa Bella, the
chief town in the
is called the Toca do Mendez, from a “pardo” (Mulatto), who here took refuge from conscription. Brazilians especially affect the “agua batida”, broken water, which, dashing from high rocks, is thoroughly aerated.
ramp was proposed for the entrance: it was
unfinished in 1865, but in August 1866 considerable progress appeared. The
belfry is a kind of gallows, to which the bells hang, as in the
The houses form a street, Rua da Cunha, along the sea, which seems to be
empty except on Sundays and holidays. The only Sobrado (two-storied tenement)
is the jail, and there is a single Meio-sobrado raised upon masonry
foundations. The walls are decorated with crosses of lath painted black, upon
whitewashed grounds; the roofs are tiled, and, besides the eleven of somewhat
superior construction, there are a number of ragged and grey-thatched hovels
forming three rudimental cross-streets. About the middle of the settlement and
denoted by a tall palm, stands an old and crumbling
battery of earth and stone. The good brass giuis have been sent, we were told,
to the scat of war in
broad arrow of
As we landed for the usual official visits we were met by the notables of the place. Foremost was the municipal judge, Dr. Joao dos Santos Sarahyba, in black velvet cap, silk robes, and laced cuffs; the Sub-Delegate of Police, Sr. Jose Martinez da Silva, both of them depending upon the town of Sao Sebastiao, accompanied him; also the intelligent young Vigario, Rev. Jose Vicente Cabral of Ubatuba, who has lived here but a short time, and is not “Collado” or permanent. He had studied at Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, and it was easy to understand that he would willingly have exchanged this pomp of skies, this calm of seas, this grandeur of rocks, this luxury of vegetation, this gigantic and monotonous magnificence of scenery, for the dirty picturesqueness, and the human interest of a back alley in a civilised city. Hardly a man in a million can enjoy nature unadorned; the belle sauvage soon palls upon the senses, and love declines from indiference to absolute aversion. The people are in a primitive state, as may be seen by their pulling off their hats and wishing one another good night when they hear the “Ave Maria”. They live mostly in their
Rotas, little clearings, and their only amusement is
on summer evenings when the drum summons them to a dance. They are all poor,
and, as is usually the case in these small places, they are reserved, not to
say surly, to foreigners. But there is a reason for this. Some three years
before our visit a drunken Frenchman,
M. Perlet of
degenerated, because the seed was never changed. About Villa Bella there are no ploughs and few carts: the animals are horses, cows, and goats.
I will now continue my cruize on
si quondam et vasta convulsa ruina
(Tantum aevi longinqua valet mutare vetustas)
and “Rheggio” embalms the belief which is riot held
by modern geologists. About one league north of the Villa Bella is the Forte do
Rabo Azedo, whose small and almost unarmed garrison, on
The north-western extremity is the Ponta das Cannas, a projection from the Monte da Pedra; it fronts the Ponta de Arpoar (Harpooning point) of the main land beyond the Bairro de S. Francisco, the convent whose straight lines stand well out from the curves of the tangled dark-green bush. Harpooning Point has a cross upon the rocks, showing that a man was drowned there: now the Devil, as the people say, has no power to enter the place. Our last look at the Pedra showed a remarkably sharp cone.
Beyond the channel we debouched upon a broad, shallow open bay of sand and mangrove,19 con-
sidered very dangerous for small shipping, but with
good riding ground in calm weather. On our left, under the tall mountain walls,
lay the Barra das Canaveiras, a low and mangrove-grown tract with green water,
which to the practised eye at once suggests a river. This is the Jujuiriquere,
anciently known as the Curupace, and here began the old Captaincy of Santo
Amaro, which extended three leagues down coast, and which is now merged into
The town is not easily approached in rough weather, and the canoe is
severely tried by a long, low line of breakers. The beach is garnished with a
large shed, acting as boat-house; and the abodes, some fifty fires, scattered
about the bush, give the settlement a desolate, dreary look. All are ground
floors, even the Municipal Chamber: the church on the west is the mere skeleton
of a place of worship, under repair, and not even plastered. Almost all the
houses are shut, except the three
tuba is still very unhealthy, and the cause is
manifest in the Pantanaes (morasses) which hem it in. During its most
prosperous days it was well drained, but the neglect brought on a pestilence
which destroyed almost all its inhabitants. After the rains, which are heavier
even than at
Caraguatatuba was founded in A.D. 1600, by Manoel de Faria Doria of Santos,
said to be a son or nephew of Andrea Doria of Villa Oneglia in the western
Riviera of Genoa, who attacked the Turks under Dragut Rais on the Neapolitan
coast in 1552: the family still flourishes at Santos.20 It soon
became a Villa, whose limits were Ubatuba on the north, and the Curupace river
to the south. When desolated by pestilence its villa-ship was transferred to
Ubatuba. The Provincial Law (No. 18, of
The position of Sao Sebastiao and the steepness of the hill curtain behind it, rendered a road to the Serra
Acima (uplands) difficult and expensive. About 1832, a Picada or bridle-path was run up a branch ridge (Espigao) of the main wall to Sao Jose de Piratininga, distant about thirteen leagues, by two ecclesiastics, Padre Pinto and the Vicar Padre Mauoel de Faria Doria. But the last died in 1843, and the Doria road was left for natives to destroy. In 1785, the Capitao Mor of Sao Sebastiao, Manoel Lopes de Resurreicao, and others, dissatisfied with the dangerous ascents from Ubatuba and Paraty, which still remain, and unwilling to make the long detour via Pirassinunga, laid out a hill road. At present we see a red line winding over the dark green Serra: it leads in one day to Parahybuna, and the stiffness of the ascent is limited to five miles. But with such a port, what is the use of a highway?
From Caraguatatuba to Ubatuba is a canoe run of seven leagues. You first
cross the eastern half of the bay, so terrible in the east-south-eastern gales,
foul with rocks and shallows, and showing a break half a mile long. Before
arriving at the sandy
from all sides but the dangerous south-south-wester by two islets, the Tacuncanha, and a longer feature easily recognised by a split in the rock, a heap of dense and dark vegetation which supports two families. Beyond it are the Ponta de Tobatinga and two bluffs; here huge boulders line the shore, showing the violent send of the sea.
The next projection, Ponta Aguda, like most of these features, is a long neat’s tongue, stony below, green above, grassy at the root, and clumpy with trees at the tip. Behind it lies the Bahia da Alagua, a deep inlet with a sandy beach, showing at the bottom a large whitewashed house. Here there is often a tide rip, formed by a current from the north-east and a sea from the south-west. The bay and point “do Bananal” are shaggy hills with grassy clearings, and for a few furlongs the trend is from east to north-east. Off the Ponta do Cassho, where lie huge slabs of pink granite, the sea often breaks heavily, and the next inlet is divided into the Bahia da Lagoinha and the Bahia do Maranduba.
Our attention was then drawn to the Ponta da Fortaleza (fortress), a broad bluff, taking a name from its regular outlines, and fronted by a little insulated out-work of rock. Opposite it lies the Ilha do Malvirado (the “ill-turned”). All the other islets run parallel with the coast, but the lay of this is from north-west to south-east—considered to be the wrong direction. It is a caterpillar-like line with a central bulge and shaggy with the densest forest: consequently, it supports no inhabitants. Beyond it, a long deep sag,
with shelving shore, forms a noted anchorage for
small craft, and therefore is tolerably populous: it is divided into a
multitude of minor baylets, and is bounded east-ward by the Ponta de Sete
Fontes, whose two prominent rocks are curiously split. We then pass a deep,
somewhat shallow, and very safe bight with sands and houses backed by high and
forested hills. The outer part is called Sacco do Flamengo, and the inner Sacco
da Ribeira. Both are known to older writers as the Enseada dos Maramomis or
Guaramomis (See the “Arte de Navigar” of Luiz Serrao Pimentel, No. 3, p. 229,
Lisbon edit. 1681, quoted by Fr. Gaspar), then the only Indian permanent
settlement on the coast between this and Itanhaem, south of
The Ponta da Enseada, a projection in the rocky continental beach, is divided from the Ponta do Boqueirao by a “gut” or passage some 160 feet broad. Due south of it is the Ilha dos Porcos—of pigs—an unsavory name found in Fr. Gaspar (p. 20), the people insist
upon turning it into “dos Portos”—of ports or
ferries. It is this crescent-shaped islet with the convexity turned to the
coast which makes the
The Ponta do Boqueirao leads to the Bahia da Tonninha (of the Tunny), a wild
shore where no man anchors: it is known by a sandy beach in its periphery and by
a pair of rocky buttresses projecting into the sea. Behind it is the Morro da
Tonninha, a well defined cone which, when clear, shows that an east wind is
imminent. And now after passing the bluff and stony
Presently we passed the Ponto do Meirao at the inner entrance of the Barra
de Ubatuba: the stony southern projection, bluff and with rocks honeycombed by
the sea, like all its neighbours, fronts white cottages, some of them not
unlike chillets, in clearings freshly fired for plantains and sugar-cane. We
landed at the Ponta da Prainha, to the north-east of the settlement which lies
at the bottom of the deep bay: here a rocky point stretches into the sea, and
might easily become a pier. The clump of sheds and new white-washed houses with
shops on the ground-floor is faced with four wooden jetties, and there is the
usual display of flags. The two small steamers which connect
the place, very irregularly, with
A walk of a few yards over a red hill of slippery clay leads to the Rua da Boavista, upon the shore where a single old gun lies. Ubatuba, by older writers called Ubatyba, derives its name from the quantity of tall cane (Uba, properly Vuba, Arundo Sagittaria) which the indigenes used for arrows, and “tyba,” place of growth or abundance: others prefer Obatyba, meaning manufactory of cloth (Oba). The air is said to
be exceptionally healthy, and the site is good; it lies like Iguape upon a
sandy flat; behind it is a rolling subrange, bright green with cultivation and
dotted with houses, whilst the back-ground is the wild Serra, darkly clad to
the top and forming an arc. The usual ruddy thread shows the road to the
interior: it is kept in fair order as far as the summit, but afterwards it
becomes very foul. In the rear-curtain there is a
North of the town runs a winding stream, the
Grass flourishes in the streets of Ubatuba as it does upon the shore. The town is deserted, like an African village at , or like Barege and Aranjuez out of the season: the long street may show a solitary old man. Yet there are signs of past prosperity when a single planter had his 600 head of slaves, in several heavy-eaved “Sobrados” (two storied houses) with Corinthian
columns of plaster and statuettes, and in rooms
neatly papered, furnished, and supplied with books, whilst each tenement has
its Quintal (back yard) and garden. The best specimen, known by its
In the Rua de Benavides there is an hotel, the “Bom Retiro,” a thorough misnomer, kept by a Portuguese, Sr. Algarato. The “Gasthaus” in this part of the world is a study. The host probably combines inn-keeping with brokerage or some other matter: the mistress, if there be one, is far above her work, consequently from year
to year nothing is washed or cleaned—it is worse
The Brazilian Fazenda (plantation) shows much true hospitality: in these
country towns, where an apology for an inn exists, there is as little as in
answer that he had received it. Hard upon a traveller to be treated as a crypto-Palmerstonian, when he has nought of sympathy with the vagaries of his eccentric rulers! The Ubatubans also have a bad name, they are chiefly noted for swearing by “Gesu Christo”, a habit learned from the French, and for fighting and killing one another. About six years before my time, the Bishop of Sao Paulo visited the place, but soon left it in disgust. Lately a murdered he-goat was hung at the door of an unpopular official, with an inscription which might have been written by “Sarah”:
Vede que fazem a vos
He wisely left at once, knowing that the aggrieved were perfectly capable of employing “Capangas,” or professional bravos, whilst the authorities were perfectly incapable of defending him.
Ubatuba has seen better days. The treaty of
gration began: they were chiefly colons de Saint Domingue, although the people attribute the influx to the scattering which followed the downfall of the first Napoleon. The Bing, Don Joao VI, broke new ground, and freely granted “Sesmarias”—gifts of ground—where the new comers settled down for a time as planters, surrounded by multitudes of slaves. The sugar-cane, however, here, like that of the Beiramar (maritime region) generally, is poor and watery. A M. Robillard, originally a Parisian, after serving in the English navy, wasted some 500,000 francs. M. Millon, his managing man, died. M. Rene, son of a Breton gentleman, de la Jousselandiere, had less money but no more luck. The brothers Jan, from Brittany, sold their lands and slaves at a profit and sensibly left the place; the brothers Pierre and Louis Richet, also Bretons, unwisely stayed here and died. The Freres d’Herissey established a glass manufacture, which was subventioned by government—grass now overgrows the place where once 600 slaves worked. In 1848 M. Marquois, after wasting twelve years here, became Consul de France at Sao Paulo. M. Chaillot of Santo Domingo left two sons, Arsene and Carlos, who still grow coffee. There is also a French Vice-Consul, M. Rene, who lives at Colonia, distant two miles, and the list of notables may end with the local banker, Sr. Francisco de Castro, who was driven here by political feuds.
Ubatuba appears now ruined, the result of coffee disease, of deficient slave labour, and of emigration. The richest proprietor owns perhaps twenty-five head
of negroes where he could work a thousand, and the largest fortune will not exceed £5,000. The thinness of the free population is mostly the effect of railways, which withdraw hands from these outlying districts to large centres, and to lines where transit and transport are cheap and easy. This is evidently a disadvantage to the townlets: on the other hand it is a great benefit to the Empire. We shall see the same things in Syria and other parts of Turkey, when that obese and lethargic land condescends to let the Giaour be up and doing.
I have now guided the reader over the hundred direct geographical miles of
THE “INDIANS” OF THE
ON THE AUTHOR-TRAVELLERS OF THE SIXTEENTH
UNTIL the present age the anthropology of the native Brazilians was involved in error and misunderstanding. Various theories were afloat touching their origin: whilst some derived them from a southern focus, where modern Paraguay lies, others made them emigrants from the wilds and wolds of the northern continent. As regards their mutual relationship many, misled by the system of what appeared to be national names, distributed them into separate races, whilst a few, justly observing that the language was single and undivided, and that the same terms might be traced from Florida to the Rio de la Plata, determined the family to be one, without, however, explaining how and why each section seemed to claim a different and distinguishing title.
Upon the latter point it may be useful to enlarge. An immense confusion was caused by the old writers, whose books became the authorities upon the subject, such as Gabriel Soares (A. D. 1580-87), Yves d’Evreux (A.D. 1613-14), Gaspar Barlaeus (A.D. 1647), Padre Simam de Vasconcellos (A.D. 1628), and Jaboatam (A.D. 1761). The authors who took from them, erudite Southey for instance, could not but perpetuate the
evil, and it was not before the days of M. F. Adolfo de Varnhagen that we have anything like a sensible ethnological statement.
The error was simply that of dividing a single people into a multitude of
different nations, each with its own name and habitat. For instance,
Gaspar Barlaeus in a copy of verses addressed to Count Maurice of
Verba, Magayates et qui sibi lurida formant
Tela, Tabajarres et pictos membra Tapujas
Patagones et Canibales, pastumque cruore
Humano deforme; durosque Caetas
Tupiguas et Amizoceros saevosque Piryvos
Et Tupinaquorum populos.”
Hence the student applied himself to the study of such nationalities as the Pytiguaras, Putygoares, or Poti-guaras; the Cayetes or Caitis; the Tupynambas with their various divisions the Tupinaens, Amoipiras Maracas, and Ubirajaras; the Tupynamquis, the Papanas; the Aymores or Aimores; the Goaytacas, called Ouctanages by Abreu and Lima (Compendio da Historia do Brazil Rio de Janeiro, Lammaert), and Guaitaca (Plur. Guaitacazes) by Fr. Gaspar, with their sub-tribe the Papanazes; the Tamoyos; the Goayana (Pl. Goayanazes or Guayanazes); the Carijos; the Tapyiyas, commonly known as Tapuyas; the Toba-yaras or Taba-jaras, called Tabaiares by Yves d’Evreux, and many other similar distinctions. Under these great divisions were a multitude of clans, a list of whose names would fill pages. The huge list, amount-
ing to at least seventy-six, was presently reduced to six nationalities, viz., Tobayaras, Potiguaras, Tapuyas, Tupinambas, Tamoyos, and Carijos. A further simplification included the three latter in the three former. After this, P. Simam de Vasconcellos (Chronica da Companhia do Jesus, A.D. 1628) brought down the number to two, namely:
1st. The Tapuyas, alias Indios Bravos or Bravios (wild Indians, a vain term where all were wild) with their divisions, viz. Aimores, Potentins, Guaiatacas, Guaramomis, Goaregoares, Jecarucus, Amanipaques, and Payeas.
2nd. The Indios Mansos (tame or settled), not including the Amazonian tribes. Their component items are Tobayaras, Tupys, Tupynambas, Tupynaquis, Tupigoares, Tupyminos, Amoigpiras, Araboyaras, Rarigoaras, Potigoares, Tamoyos, Carijos, and Goayanas.
Jaboatam (Fr. Antonio de
Southey (“History of Brazil,” London, Longmans, 1810) found matters in this state, and left them as he found them, having no means of rectifying the “catalogue of barbarous and dissonant names.” At length order grew out of the chaos in the “Historia Geral do
These semi-nomades—the “Indians” of the Brazil—who were engaged in perpetual
wars, apparently belonged to one great family, that is to say, they had a
common origin, and all spoke dialects of the same tongue. For authorities see Gandavo,1 Gabriel Soares (vol. i. pp. 13, 39, &c.),
Padre Joao Daniel, and D’Orbigny: see also the “Revista” of the
Aymores or Botocudos (the modern Puris?), the Cairiris and
others. Thus we may explain the easy progress of Portuguese conquest,
and the identity of geographical, botanical, and zoological expressions which,
with few exceptions, pervaded the
The general name of the race known to itself, was
This term, which has not been much discussed, is derived from two words, “Tupi”4 and “Mba.” The
latter was omitted when the clans ceased to be
friends; and when on bad terms they insulted one another with “Tupi-n-aem,”
that is to say, “bad Tupis.” As unfriendly neighbours they politely termed one
another “Tupi-n-ikis,” or “Tupi neighbours.” “Mba,” the form in composition of
“Aba,” signified “vir,” a chief or brave,5 and their pride would
concede this title to none but themselves—thus at times they would vaunt their
own people as “Mba-ete,” whence “Aba-Ete,” meaning a “true brave.” Sometimes,
but rarely, when roused to fury by strife they would dub their former
companions “Tupinambaranas,” or wild savage “Tupinambas.” When
simply separated they called those from whom it was their boast to proceed
“Tamoy,” whence our “Tamoyos,” signifying grandfathers, and consequently they
became “Temiminos,” grandsons6 (Dicc.
selves “Guaya” or “Guaya-na,” that is, “we, the
esteemed,” whence our “Guaiazes,” or “Guaianazes,” and “
Hence the confusion caused by applying different names to the same tribe. This can be avoided only by having recourse to the original language.
For instance, the clans who inhabited the captaincy of
Following out this analysis, we shall easily show that the names, which ignorance and want of observation have represented to be national and racial, and
with which tedious catalogues have been filled,
were simply epithets, in fact, nicknames often doubled and multiplied,7
to express the mutual feeling of the clans. Hate was denoted by “Maracayas,”
wild cats; by “Nhengaibas” or “Nheengaibas,” bad tongues;8
and by “Tibiras” or “Tymbiras,” the infamous. Respect appeared in “Tamoyos,”
grandfathers, and “Mbeguas,” the peaceful. There were many which were simply
descriptive, and generally ended in “iaras,” “yaras,” “uaras,” or “jaras,”
meaning lords or masters9 (Dicc.
clubmen; “Poty-uaras,” shrimpers;11 for which others prefer
“Pety-uaras,” smokers of tobacco (Petima, Purchas, v. 910); “Taba-jaras,” or
“Tabaiaras,” men who inhabit “Tabu” or villages;12 “Guatos,”
canoers; “Guaita-cas” and “Guaiatacazes” (“Goatacaras” in Dicc.
“Puris” or “
were what we should call mangy. And, as might be expected amongst savages, there were not a few terms which decency absolutely forbids us to quote.
I may note, en passant, that these nicknames, so far from being
confined to the
There was naturally in the Lingua Geral a general term applicable to absolute strangers, and thus corresponding with the Hebrew Goyi (Gentile), the Hindu Mlenchha (mixed or impure breed), the Greek βάρβαρος, the Latin Barbarus, and the Chinese Fan Kwei (foreign devil). Everyone not of the same race was “Tapuy.”13 Gumilla relates of the Caribs that, asked whence came their ancestors, they can but reply, “Ana carina rote,” i.e., “we only are men,” as a Jew would say “only we are Bashar” or human beings. According to Hervas (I, 270), many national names expressed nothing but
men, people; thus the Lules call themselves “Peles,” the Peruvians “Runas,” the Chiquitos “Naquinones,” the Darien Indians “Tule,” and so forth. The same is the case with the Bube of Fernando Po.
Thus Tapuy presently became the “great Tapuya nation,” when Tapuy Tinga, i.e., white barbarian, was applied to
their European allies, and especially to the French (Dicc.
Tupi or Tupy primarily means paternal uncle, and secondarily companion, comrade or fellow countryman. The connection in the popular mind is clear, when we remember that their relationship was only on the father’s side, the mother being, as it were, but the nidus or cradle which lodged the child.14 After the father the nearest of blood was the Tupi or father’s brother, and they had scant regard for fraternity, so strong a tie amongst ourselves. Nor, perhaps, shall we err in considering that the title of uncle, still a
favourite amongst the civilised peoples of
Other Tupis entitled themselves “Guaranis,” meaning only “great braves.”15
Of the same breed were the Caraïbes, Caraibes, or Caribes of Guiana, which
suggests the Calybes of Xenophon, the tribe living about
chap. 6) adds, “the prominent and dominant race in
the eastern parts is the Cariba nation, which extends along the shores to
In fact, the general opinion and traditions of the people, from the Amazonas
Vicente considered those of
It is possible that the cradle of the great nation, which included the
Tupis, the Guaranis, and the Omaguas, might have been in the glades and forests
that clothe the Amazonas’ banks. Between this stream and the mighty
These Tupis, therefore, were the Jasons of Brazilian mythology, the Phoenicians of her ancient history, and
the Norman invaders of more modern ages. They owed
the facility of their conquests to an overpowering fleet of war canoes, whilst
the barbarous tenants of the land possibly ignored this weapon, like the
Aymores, of whom mention has been made. They brought with them a perpetual
state of warfare, habits adverse to population, such as earth-eating, and
poisoning, and excesses of debauchery hardly to be expected in an uncivilised
race. Their society reminds us of Spenser’s “Sans Foy, Sans Loy, and Sans Joy,”
to which we may add Sans Roy, and thus they never took the first step towards
the aristocratic monarchy of
“Soy meme est sa Loy, son Senat et son Roy,”
of Ronsard, who ends, like J. J. Rousseau, with singing, “Je voudrois vivre ainsy.”
So far M. Varnhagen.
We cannot be surprised that, in the days when philanthropy had not become a profession, travellers said hard things of their wild “brethren.” “They are very treacherous: all they do is with deceit” (Luiz Ramirez). “They live like pigs in a stye” (cevados em chiqueiro); “quorum Deus est venter (as Saint Paul says) semper mendaces, malae bestiae, ventres pigri,” etc. “They are people without honour—without any virtue when they have not fear, and servile in all things when they have” (Vargas). “They have rarely real and sincere friendship” (Bandeira). “They are vicious and inconstant in every sense of the word; . . . . very light and very ungrateful, light, disloyal, envious,
. . . stained with vice, . . . disorderly and indolent” (Voyage of a Brazilian). “False and faithless . . . very suspicious, ignoring pity, without ideas of healthy morality arising from sentiments of shame and sensibility, which respects decorum and good faith; they are stupidly brutal, and their phlegmatic tempers are hard to move” (Varnhagen). All dwell upon their inordinate love for tobacco, their ravenous “agriophagous” hunger, their practice of cannibalism, and their religious observance of revenge. The ethnology is not without its romantic and fabulous side (Southey, I, 685); but here we have no room to consider the western types of the Amazons, the Pigmies, the Monoculars, and so forth. Our authors prefer the picturesque aspect of the subject—
“Such of late
With feather’d cincture, naked else and wild
Among the trees, on isles and wooded shores.”
At last a papal bull, “Veritas ipsa quae nec falli nec fallere potest” (Paul III.), in A.D. 1536, and the Council of Lima, A.D. 1583, were found necessary, ordering Christians to believe that these wild men-beasts are descended from “Adam.”
There are not many printed works of travel, contemporary with the savages, which describe the race in all its vigour, and of which it may be said, “L’homme du lieu auquel le Bresil croist, est tel qu’ici a l’oeil il apparoit.” Hence the value of Hans Stade.
The following Bibliotheca Americana contains the principal eye-witnesses during the 16th century, the
1. The letter of Pero Vaz (Vaas in older writers) Caminha addressed to El
Rei D. Manuel from the Terra de Santa Cruz (the
This curious document is most valuable as the production of an eye-witness, who gives all the required details. It was poetised by the fertile imagination of the historian De Barros. A French writer declares that, after a scrupulous examination, he finds no contradictions in the version of the latter, nor in those of Goes and Osorio: a little more care would enable him, with the indefatigable Cazal (Corografia, etc.), to detect a host of inaccuracies.
2. The “Viagem as Indias Orientaes” of the Florentine Giovanni da Empoli, factor of a Portuguese ship, A.D. 1503, who touched at Vera Cruz (the Brazil,) so called from the invention of the Holy Cross, May 3rd (Noticias Ultramarinas, vol. iii. No. 6).
3. The “Relacao da Viagem de Cabral,” published in the Collections of Ramusio (“Dale Navigazione e Viaggi racolti da M. C. B. Ramusio; Vinegia, Giunti, 1550”), and of Gryneus (Novus Orbis), and translated in the Noticias Ultramarinas (vol. ii.).
4. The voyage of the ship Hope, of Honfleur, which begins in
5. The two letters of Amerigo Vespucci, who travelled by order of the King
in the ships of Goncalo Coelho (
lished, it is said, for the first time, in A.D. 1504.18 A Portuguese translation will be found in the Noticias Ultramarinas (vol. ii. No. 4). These letters have caused an immense controversy—it would be impossible here to give even an abstract of it.
6. The Diario de Pero Lopez de Souza,19 alluded to
in the Preface; the cruise occupied three years
7. The relation of a Frenchman from
The author speaks with rancour about the Portuguese inviting his compatriots
to invade and occupy the
8. The letter of Gonsalo Fernandes Oviedo to Cardinal Bembo, on the
navigation of the
9. “La Deduction de la Somptueuse Entree” (fol-
lowed by the “Ceremonial de France”) by Maurice
Seve, Sceve, or Saeve, published at
10. The magnificent Portulan of Guillaume le Testu, A.D. 1555. The author, a Protestant, was one of the most able pilots in the days of Charles IX, navigated the African and American seas, and was killed in action with the Spaniards.
11. The history of Hans Stade, concerning which more details will be offered
at the end of this Introduction. In the same year (A.D. 1557) was printed at
Evora the “Relacam do que ho adiantado da
12. The “Copie de quelques lettres sur la navigation du Chevalier de
The celebrated Chevalier Nicolas Durand de Villegaignon, Vice-Admiral of Brittany, is said to have composed the Vocabulary of De Lery amongst other
valuable opuscules. He involved himself in the
atrocious quarrels between the fervent Catholics and the furious Calvinists or
Huguenots, who gave him the title “Cain of America”. In due course of time,
“Villagalhao,” as he is still called in the
“Docte Villegaignon, tu fais
une grande faute,
De vouloir rendre fine un gent si peu caute.”
13. The “Discours de Nicolas Barre sur la Navigation du Chevalier de
Villegaiguon en Amerique.”
14. “Les Singularites de la France Antartique, autrement nommee Amerique,”
etc. Par Andre Thevet, published in 8vo, at
This travelling Cordelier, who became cosmographer to Henry III of
15.22 The “Histoire des choses memorables advenus
en la terre du Bresil, partie de l’Amerique
Australe, sous le Gouvernement. de M. le Chevalier de
Villegaignon,” etc. A.D. 1561. 1 vol., 12mo. This work
is also a diatribe against “Cain.” Of a similar nature is the book of the
Protestant minister who visited the
16.23 The “Historia da Provincia de Sancta Cruz” (an unauthorised
change from Vera Cruz), “a que vulgarmento chamamos Brasil.”
17. The “Tratado da Terra do Brasil, no qual se
contem a informacao das cousas que ha nestas partes, feito por Pero de Magaglhaes” (sic): an abridgment of Gandavo, published in A.D. 1576, and reprinted by the Academy in the Noticias Ultramarinas (vol. iv, No. 4).
18. The “Roteiro da Jornada de Joao Coelho de Sousa ao Rio de S. Francisco,” referred to by Gabriel Soares, Part I, chapter xx).
19. The “Histoire d’un voyage fait en la terre du Brasil, autrement dit
Amerique, donnee par Jean de Lery. A
De Lery is called by Auguste de Saint Hilaire the “Montaigne des vieux
voyageurs.” He travelled to
20. “A letter written to Mr. Richard Staper by John Whithall from
21. The “Relation y derrotero del Viaje y
llamado de Magaleanes por Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa.” Published in A.D. 1580. An unworthy attempt to rob the great Magellan,
who was naturally distasteful to the Spaniards, of his right to the Straits.
22. The “Narrativa Epistolar de uma Viagem e
Missao Jesuitica pela
The Jesuit Fernao Cardim, who was superior of the Jesuits in 1609, lived at
23. The “Tratado Descriptivo do
The author concluded in A.D. 1587 a work composed of two parts: 1.
Description of the Coast; 2. Of the Notable Things in the
“This precious chronicle” (says M. Ferdinand Denis) “contains more facts
upon the subject of the ancient races inhabiting the
24.26 The “Strange Adventures of Andrew Battel, of Leigh, in
Essex, sent by the Portuguese prisoner to Angola, who lived there and in the
adjoining regions near eighteen years” (Purchas
his Pilgrims, vol. ii; Pinkerton,
vol. xvi). “The author,” an ignorant man, and an authority only as to what he
actually saw, “fetched the coast of Brazil” in A.D. 1589, went to the Plata
river, visited the “Island of Saint Sebastian, lying under the Tropic of
Capricorn,” on his return northward, and was sent from Rio de Janeiro to
Angola. All his notices of the
25. The “Voyage Round the World” of Antonio Pigafetta, of
26. The “Libro universal de derrotas, alturas, longitudes e conhencencas de todas as Navigacoes, etc.,” ordinado por pilotos consummados nesta sciencia a virtudes de aproveitar em servico de Deos.
27. The “Arte da Grammatica da lingoa mas usada na costa do
28. The “Roteiro de todos os Sinaes, comhecimentos, fundos, baixos, alturas
e derrotas que ha na costa do
In this respectable list probably the most remarkable work is that of Hans
explained a part of it to Jean de Lery, who had
never seen it. Translated into Latin, it was included in the (Jean) “de Bry
Collection,” for which the reader can consult the Dissertation published by
Camus in 1802. This is the edition used by Southey, who (vol. I, chapter vii), after his wont, succeeded admirably well in
“tearing the entrails out of the work.” Some writers are of opinion that
the illustrations of Hans Stade’s book have been adopted by Thevet and De Lery.
Most of them are purely fanciful, and seem borrowed from some book on
Hans Stade would have sunk into the oblivion which shrouds his tormentors, but for the rude, truthful, and natural volume which he has left to posterity. His style, though simple and full of sincerity, is a poor contrast with the graceful and charming garb which distinguishes P. Yves d’Evreux27 and the later writers.
His vile transliteration of foreign words requires the especial notice of an editor. His piety is essentially that of the age when the Jesuits spat on children by way of baptism, and saved the dying by surreptitiously sprinkling them with holy water. Like the common order of man, he has queer ideas about St. Elmo’s fire, and he dreads being eaten more than being killed. His superstitions are manifold: the Tupis see “the Devil”, and are providentially punished for pulling up his crucifix; the Almighty “works wonders” for his especial benefit; his prayers are heard, and all his enemies come to a well-merited bad end. He prophecies in hope of saving his life; he threatens his enemies with the “Man in the Moon”, adding, however, “God forgive me this!” and he especially avoids enlightening them when the savages believe that storms and fair weather are sent in answer to his supplications. In fact, it is curious to mark the narrowness of the border-line between the belief of the Brazilian cannibal and that of the Christian European of the sixteenth century. And, although the latter does not eat his enemies, he foresees for them a far worse fate: he has the grace to ejaculate “May God forgive them!” but it is plainly evident that he does not. He is especially vindictive against the ship which would not receive him on board, and against the young Frenchman who nearly caused him to be devoured, although the latter did at last try to make amends for his former act of barbarity. And yet he behaves nobly by remaining with the Christian captives when he might have effected an escape. Finally, this fellow-country-
man of the late lamented Dr. Barth of Tinbuktu shows uncommon powers of acute observation: it is certain that he could not have taken notes, yet his descriptions of the fauna and flora, of the trade and manufactures, and of the customs and polity which fell under his inspection during a captivity of seven and a half years are, as far as they go, excellent.
Southey is the first to own that the adventures of Hans Stade form an interesting part of his history. He devotes a whole chapter (i, 7) to the analysis of the little volume, and he ends by saying, with ample justice: “The history of his adventures is a book of great value, and all subsequent accounts of the Tupi tribes rather repeat than add to the information which it contains.”
The first edition of the remarkable narrative of Hans Stade is that of 1557,
published at Marpurg, from which the present translation, edited by Captain
Burton, has been made.[1a] It is
entitled “Warhafftige Historia unnd beschreibung einer landtschafft der
Wilden, Nacketen, Grimmigen, Menschfresser Leuthen in der Newen Welt
The next edition was a Flemish translation, published at
In 1567 the work of Hans Stade was, for a third time, published in German,
at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, in the third part of the “Dieses
Weltbuch von Newen erfunden Landtschafften durch
In 1592 the narrative of Hans Stade was again published in folio, at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, in the collection of voyages of De Bry.1 It was translated into Latin.2 The second edition of this Latin version of Hans Stade appeared in 1605, and the third in 1630.
A fourth edition of the original German edition appeared in folio, at
Then followed two more Dutch editions. In 1686 one
appeared at Amsterdam, in quarto, with viii and 72 pages, illustrated with
woodcuts; and in 1706 a version appeared in a collection of voyages published,
in 8vo, at Leyden. “De vooname
Scheeps-togten van Jan Staden van
Homburg in Hessen, na
The fifth Dutch translation of Hans Stade was published at Amsterdam, in
quarto, in 1714. “Description de l’Amerique par Jean Stade de Homburg, en Hollandais.” This
edition is mentioned by Boucher de la Richarderie, in the “Bibliotheque
Universelle de Voyages.” Tom. V, p.
A French translation was published in the collection of voyages of M.
Tornaux Compans (vol. iii.
The most recent German edition appeared at
Hans Stade has never before been translated into English; but Southey, in his History of Brazil, gives a full abstract of the old German traveller’s adventures, taken from the Latin version in De Bry.
C. R. M.
[1a This statement conflicts with the text of this
Hakluyt edition which clearly shows on p. 169 the publishing location as
“Franckfurdt on the Mayn”. Perhaps there was confusion over the fact that
Dryander wrote his preface at
1 See Struvius Mesuel. Biblioth. Hist., III, Pt. ii, p. 49; and the Memoire de Camus, p. 56. Also Biblioth. Heber, tom. VI, No. 442.
2 The translator, under the name of Teucrius Annaeus, was a fellow townsman of De Bry.