OF
THE CONQUEST OF
PART THE SECOND.
CHAPTER I.
Tlascala, July, 1520. Transactions and
occurrences there.
Foundation of the colony of
of the neighbouring districts by the Spaniards.
WE were
thus, as I have mentioned, by the friendship of the Tlascalans,
hospitably received and entertained in their city, after our fatigues, dangers,
and losses, in the retreat from
One of
the first things done by Cortes on our arrival was, to enquire after the gold
which had been brought there, to the value of forty thousand crowns, and which
was the share of the garrison of Villa
Rica. He was informed by the Tlascalan chiefs, and also by one
of our invalids who remained there when we marched to Mexico, that the persons
who had been sent from Villa Rica to receive it, had, on their return, been
robbed and murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities
with the Mexicans. Another cause of uneasiness to us was,
our uncertainty as to the situation of our countrymen at Villa Rica. Letters
were sent, to inform them of the events which had lately taken place, and
desiring them to send us what arms and ammunition they could spare, and a
strong reinforcement. We were informed by the return of the messengers, that
all continued well in the neighbourhood of that
garrison. The reinforcement also, which had been required, was immediately
sent. It consisted of seven men in the whole, three of whom were sailors, and
every one of them invalids. They were commanded by a soldier named Lencero, the same who kept the inn at present called by his
name. For a long time afterwards, a reinforcement of Lencero, was a proverbial
expression with us.
We had
now some trouble given us by the younger Xicotenga.
This chief on hearing of our misfortunes in Mexico, and of our being in march
for his country, conceived the project of taking us by surprise, and putting us
all to death; for which purpose he was very active in forming his party, and
having assembled many of his friends, relations, and adherents, he exposed to
them the facility with which it could be done. These intrigues however could
not go on long, without coming to the knowledge of his father, who reproached
him severely for his treacherous conduct, assuring him that if it came to be
known, it would cost the lives of him and all those concerned with him. The
young man however persevered, paying no regard to what his father said, and the
affair at length coming to the ears of his mortal enemy Chichimecatecle,
he immediately gave information of it; whereupon, a council was summoned of all
the chiefs to take the affair into consideration, and Xicotenga
was brought prisoner before them. Maxicatzin was the
orator upon the occasion and spoke at considerable length in favour of the Spaniards; he said that prosperity had
attended their nation ever since
our arrival amongst them. That we had enabled them to eat
salt with their provisions, and that we were certainly those of whom their
ancestors had spoken. He then reprobated and exposed the conduct of the younger
Xicotenga. In reply to this, and to the discourse of
his father to the same purpose, the young man made use of such outrageous and
disrespectful language, as induced them to seize him by the collar, and throw
him down the steps of the building into the street, and he very narrowly
escaped with his life; but Cortes did not think it prudent in his present
situation to carry matters any farther. Such was the fidelity of our Tlascalan
allies, with whom we at this time staid two and twenty days.
Cortes meditated
an attack upon the adjoining provinces of Tepeaca and
Zacatula, on account of the murders committed by
these people upon the Spaniards, and determined to set out upon it, at the expiration
of the above mentioned period; but when he came to propose this to his troops,
he found the universal sentiment of the soldiers of Narvaez decidedly against
it. They thought that, they never could get back loon enough to their houses
and mines in the Island of Cuba, and the slaughter of Mexico, and battle of Obtumba, made them desire to renounce all connexion with Cortes, his riches, and his conquests. But
beyond all others Andres de Duero, his friend and companion, most heartily
cursed the day he had embarked with him in the business, and the gold which he
had been forced to leave in the ditches of
thing to lose but our lives. Cortes on his part made them a
general promise, that by the next convenient opportunity he would send them to
their
The historian
Gomara in his account of this transaction makes no
distinction between us and the soldiers of Narvaez, as if we were equally
concerned in presenting the memorial; and this he does in order to enhance the
merits of his hero, Cortes, and to depreciate us the true conquerors of Mexico,
because we did not think it became us to bribe him with gifts to speak favourably of us, when we were those, and those only, who
supported Cortes. And now this historian would annihilate our reputations, in
saying, forsooth, that we memorialled!!
It would
have better become this historian to attend more to matters of fact, and less
to his figures of rhetoric in what he writes. I have been, astonished at that
part of his relation, where he assigns the victory at Obtumba
solely to the valor of Cortes. I have said before, that it was in the first
instance owing to God’s mercy; I say also that Cortes did every thing that
ought to be expected from a wise and valiant general, and that he owed his
success, under God, to the stout and valiant captains, and to us brave
soldiers, who broke the force of the enemy, and supported him by fighting in
the manner we fought, and as I have related. What that historian says relative
to his charging the general and bearer of the royal standard of
he has written eighty thousand we should read one thousand. All this he has
done in order to make his narrative the more agreable.
In my history I tell the truth, word for word as it happened, without looking
to ornaments of rhetoric; for I consider myself obliged to adhere to matter of
fact, and do not deal in flatteries.
We now set
out on our march, to punish the districts of Cachula,
Tepeaca, and Tecamachalco,
without artillery or fire arms of any kind, for all had been left in the
ditches of
Upon this
Cortes called a council of the officers, and it was then determined, that a
full statement of all which had passed should be officially drawn up by a royal
notary, whereby all the Mexicans and allies of the Mexicans who had killed
Spanish subjects, after having given obedience to his Majesty, should be
declared in a state of slavery. This being duly drawn up and attested, we once
more sent to require them to come in, giving them notice of the consequences of
their contumacy,
but they returned an answer similar to their former one.
Both sides then prepared for battle, and on the next day we came to an action
with them. This battle taking place in open fields of maiz,
our cavalry speedily put the enemy to flight, with considerable loss, though
they made a stout resistance; but our allies fought gallantly, and pursued them
hotly, and we took many boys, for slaves.
The
Mexicans being thus defeated, the natives came in, to sue for peace; we
accordingly proceeded to the town of Tepeaca, to
receive their submission, and on that spot was founded our, settlement of
Segura de la Frontera, the situation being eligible,
as on the road to Villa Rica, and in a fertile district. The municipal officers
were immediately appointed, and the iron brand was made here, for the purpose
of marking those natives who were taken for slaves; they were marked with the
letter G, for “Guerra,” or war. We made excursions through the district, and to
the towns of Cachula, (where they had put fifteen
Spaniards to death in the houses,) Tecamechalco, Las Guayavas, and many others whole names I do not recollect;
taking a number of prisoners, who were immediately branded for slaves. By these
means, in about the space of six weeks, we reduced the people to order and
obedience.
At this
period another prince of the blood royal was elected to the throne of
Cortes
now received letters from Villa Rica informing him, that a vessel had arrived
at the port, commanded by a gentleman named Pedro
Barba, who was his
intimate friend. He had been lieutenant under Velasquez at the Havannah, and had now brought with him thirteen soldiers
and two horses; he also brought letters from Velasquez the governor of Cuba to
Narvaez, who was thought to be by this time all powerful in New Spain, ordering
him, if Cortes was not already dead, to send him to Cuba, that he might be
thence transmitted to Castille, such being the directions of the bishop of
Burgos. As soon as Pedro Barba arrived in the harbour, the officer whom Cortes had appointed admiral went
to visit him, taking with him in his boat a strong crew, with their arms
concealed. When he came on board, he saluted Barba
and the rest courteously, and enquired after the health of the governor of
The new
king of
provinces that were nearest to the Spanish army, they became very
disorderly, robbing and outraging the people. These provocations induced the
natives to send four chiefs secretly to negotiate with Cortes, offering to
surrender themselves to him, provided he would give
them his assistance to expell the Mexicans. Cortes
immediately acceded to the proposal, and ordered for this service the whole of the
cavalry and crossbow-men, under the command of Christoval
de Oli. A considerable number also of Tlascalans were joined in the expedition. Several of the
captains who had come with Narvaez were appointed to command in this
detachment, which amounted in the whole to above three hundred soldiers. As our
people were on their march, conversing with the Indians, they received such
accounts from them of the force of the enemy, as entirely deprived the soldiers
of Narvaez of what little inclination they ever had for military expeditions,
and made them doubly anxious to return to their Island of Cuba, being utterly averse
from a repetition of the days of Mexico, and Obtumba.
They began to grow very mutinous, and told their chief in plain terms, that if
he was determined to persist in his attempt, he might do it by himself, for
that they were all resolved to quit him. De Oli
remonstrated with them upon the impropriety of such conduct, in which he was
supported by all the soldiers of Cortes, but in vain; he was compelled to yield
to their perverseness, and halt at Cholula, from whence he wrote to Cortes,
informing him of his situation. When Cortes received his letter, he immediately
returned an angry message, ordering him positively to advance with his whole
force, at all events. When De Oli received this, he
fell in a violent rage with those who had brought that reprimand on him, and
ordering the whole to march immediately, declared he would send back any one
who hesitated to Cortes, to be treated by him as a coward deserved.
When he
arrived within a league of Guacacualco, he was met by
some chiefs, who informed him in what manner he might best come
upon the enemy. Having in consequence settled his plan of attack, he marched
against, and after a sharp action defeated the Mexican troops,
and put them completely to flight, with the loss on his
part, of two horses, and eight wounded. Our allies this day made a great
slaughter of the Mexicans, who fell back, and rallied at a large town called Ozucar, where were other great bodies of their troops. Here
they made a post, fortifying themselves and breaking
dawn the bridges; but De Oli, turned into a tiger by
the reproof of Cortes, pursued them without halting, with as many of his troops
as he could bring up. By the assistance of his Indian friends of Guacachula, he contrived to pass the river, and falling on
the Mexicans, dispersed them again, with the lost of two more horses killed;
his own horse was also wounded in several daces, and De Oli
himself received two wounds. Here he halted for two days after the action, and
all the principal people waited on him, to submit as vassals to his Majesty.
Their allegiance being accepted, and the country restored
to peace, he returned with his force to the town of
Not
having been on this expedition, the account I have given is such as was related
to me, by those who were. De Oli was received by
Cortes and all of us with great satisfaction; we laughed heartily at him for
his counter march, in which he joined with us, and swore that for the next
expedition he was sent on, he would take the poor soldiers of Cortes, and not
the rich planters of Narvaez, whose minds were more intent upon their horses
and estates, than upon feats of arms; and who were much more ready to command,
than to obey. Gomara says that it was the people of Guaxocingo who gave the information to the officers of
Narvaez; but this is absurd, for the last mentioned town was entirely out of
their route, and it is exactly the same thing as saying, that if we were to set
out now from Medina del Campo to travel to Salamanca, we should go round by
Valladolid.
While we
were here, Cortes received letters from Villa Rica, whereby he was informed,
that a vessel had arrived there commanded by a person of the name of Camargo, having on board upwards of seventy soldiers, all
very sickly. She was one of these which had been
sent to
establish a colony at Panuco,* and brought intelligence
that the other captain who had been sent thither, named Pineda, with all his
soldiers, had been put to death by the Indians; and that their shipping had
been burned. Camargo therefore finding the ill
success of that attempt, had come to Villa Rica for
assistance, his men being afflicted with liver complaints, which their yellow
and dropsical appearance demonstrated. This officer
was very well acquainted with the situation of affairs, and had been it is
said, a Dominican friar. Having disembarked his soldiers, he set out with them,
and arrived by slow marches at La Frontera, where
they were kindly received by Cortes, and attended with as much care as we could
bestow upon them, but the captain and many of the soldiers very soon died. On
account of their morbid colour and swollen bodies, we
used to call them “the green paunches.” In order to avoid the interference of
foreign matters with the thread of my narrative, I will now inform my reader,
that one after another, at different and irregular periods, all the remains of
this armament arrived at the
* By F. de Garay governor of
( 241 )
soldiers of old Ramirez wore cotton armour
which was very thick and clumsy, so that no arrow could penetrate through it,
we called them “the pack-horses.”
Cortes
having been thus reinforced to the amount of an hundred and fifty soldiers and
twenty horses, determined to punish the Cacatame and Xalacingo Indians, with several others who had been
concerned in the murders of Spaniards. Twenty cavalry and twelve crossbow-men,
made part of the force sent against them, the whole of which consisted of two
hundred of the veterans of the army of Cortes, and a body of Tlascalans, commanded by Gonzalo de Sandoval. Our
detachment received intelligence that the enemy were
in arms, fortified, and reinforced by Mexican troops. Sandoval therefore
arranged his plan of attack, first sending to inform them, that he would pardon
the deaths of the Spaniards, provided they submitted, and returned the
treasure. The answer they sent back was, that they
would eat him, and all those with him, in the same manner that they had done
the others. Sandoval then proceeded to attack them, which he did in two places
at the same instant, and notwithstanding that both the natives and the Mexicans
fought with great spirit, they had no better success
than on former occasions, being defeated and pursued with a considerable loss.
Our people after the action going into some of their temples, found cloaths, arms, bridles and saddles, presented as offerings
to their gods. Sandoval declared his intention of halting three days there, and
he also now again demanded from them the treasure which had been taken. They
readily submitted themselves to his Majesty, but in regard to the treasure,
they said, that it was no longer in their power, having been transmitted to
came in and made their submissions to Cortes. This expedition
was productive of the very best effects. The fame of Cortes extended through
all their countries, for valor and for justice, and he was much more dreaded
and respected than Guatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico; insomuch that his
decision was requested in the most important litigations. The small pox was now
so prevalent in
At this
time Cortes sent Sandoval to punish the people of the district called Cocotlan, where they had put to death nine Spaniards.
Sandoval took with him thirty cavalry and one hundred infantry, with a strong
body of Tlascalans. On his entry into the district he
summoned these people, holding out as usual threats on the one hand, and
invitations on the other, to which the Indians replied, that they acknowledged
no other government than that of Mexico, and that they were very well able to
defend themselves. They had here a considerable force of Mexican auxiliaries,
who encouraged them to resistance. As soon as Sandoval received this mirage he
put his troops in order, and cautioned his allies not to advance to the attack
at first, on account of their disordering the cavalry, but to wait until the
enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall on the Mexicans. Two large
bodies of the enemy were met by our army, in a strong situation; they made a
firm resistance, and before Sandoval could extricate his cavalry from the
difficult and rocky ground, they had killed one and wounded nine of his horses
and four soldiers. At length having driven them from this port, he advanced to
their town, and there assaulting them and the reinforcements which had joined
them, at their post in the temples, and large walled inclosures,
with the good assistance of his Indian allies, whose keenness was increased by
the abundance of plunder, he totally defeat-
ed, and put them to flight. Sandoval halted here for two
days, during which the chiefs came in and made their submissions. He demanded
of them the property and effects of the Spaniards whom they had put to death,
but they replied that it was out of their power to return them, they having
already burned the whole. They also said that most of the Spaniards they had
killed were eaten, five of them having been sent to their monarch Guatimotzin.
They promised a plentiful supply of provisions, apologized for what was passed,
and Sandoval being able to do no more was fain to accept their submissions.
As all
this country was now brought under subjection, Cortes determined, with the
approbation of his Majesty’s officers to mark the prisoners and slaves,
previous to the taking out the royal fifth, and his own. An order was in
consequence given out, that the soldiers should bring all their prisoners to an
appointed place, which was a large house in the town, for this purpose. It was
accordingly done; they consisted of women, boys, and girls of the Indians, for
as to the men they were too troublesome to keep, and our Tlascalan friends to
whom they were given by us did us all the service we could desire from them.
The prisoners remained in confinement during the night, and in the morning the
repartition took place. First the royal fifth was selected, and then that of
Cortes; and thus far all went on very well, but when the soldiers shares came
to be allotted, behold! we found that some one had
been there in the night, and taken every handsome and good Indian that was
there, leaving us nothing but a herd of old, ugly, and miserable jades. This of
course made a great murmur amongst the soldiers, who loudly charged Cortes with
having conveyed away and concealed all the valuable slaves, and the soldiers of
Narvaez swore they never heard of such a thing as two kings, and two fifths, in
his Majesty’s dominions! among the rest one Juan de Quexo
said he would make it known in Castille how they were treated, and another
plainly told Cortes how he had abused them in regard to the gold in Mexico, for
that when the division was made there appeared only three hundred thousand
crowns in value, and when our flight took place he produced above seven hundred
thousand; all which had been
regularly attested. And now the poor soldier, who had worn himself
to nothing with fatigue, and was full of wounds, when he had gotten a good
female Indian prisoner, and given her cloathing and
ornaments, found that she was taken from him! “When the order was given,” said
the soldier, “Every one thought that the slaves were only put in to be marked
and valued, and that each would get his own back, paying the fifth of the value
which she was rated at to his Majesty, and that Cortes was to have no farther
claim on them whatever.” He added a great deal more to the same purpose, but
worse than what I have mentioned. When Cortes heard these exclamations against
him, he made answer, swearing by his conscience! his
usual oath, that it never should happen so again, and he protested that in
future better regulations should be adopted. Thus with smooth words, and fair
promises on his part, the affair passed over.
But I
have now something to mention worse than this; it has been already related how
in the fatal night of the retreat from Mexico, the treasure was produced and
all the soldiers given liberty to take as much as they chose of it; many of
those of Narvaez loaded themselves with gold, some also of ours did the same;
to a great many this cost their lives, and none who escaped with life and what
they had carried off, but were severely wounded. After all this however Cortes
came to know that in our garrison here at La Frontera,
a quantity of gold in bars was in circulation, and that deep gaming was going
on amongst our soldiers; wherein our companions had forgot the old proverb
which says, that “wealth and amours should be kept concealed.” He issued an
order for all the gold to be brought in within a given time, under the severest
penalty in case of disobedience, promising, on a fair delivery, to return the
third part, but threatening in case of failure or evasion, that the whole
should be forfeited. Many of the soldiers refused, and from some Cortes took it
by way of loan; but indeed rather by main force than free will. As many of the
captains and also of those who had offices under his Majesty were possessed of
gold, a compromise took
place whereby no more was said about the order; but it was a
very bad transaction on the part of Cortes.
The
officers of Narvaez thought this a good juncture to renew their solicitations
to Cortes for permission to return to
to get rid of their importunities, and partly because they were not fit
for war, and that it was better to be alone than badly accompanied. He sent
Alvarado with them in order to see them shipped, and at this time he also
dispatched De Ordas and Alonzo de Mendoza to Camille,
with certain instructions, the tenor of which we were ignorant of; as we also
were of what was going on in that country relative to us, except that the
Bishop of Burgos declared us all traitors, and that Diego de Ordas answered very well for us, and got for himself the
order of St. Jago, and for his coat of arms the
volcano which is between Guaxocingo and Cholula. But
these affairs shall be related in their proper time. Cortes also sent Captain
Alonzo de Avila contador of New Spain, and Francisco
Alvarez, a man of business, to make a report to the royal court of audience and
the brothers of the order of Jeronymites in St.
Domingo, of all that had happened, more particularly relative to Narvaez; and
also to inform them, how he had punished by slavery, those guilty of revolt and
murders, and meant to pursue the same measures with all those people who
adhered to the alliance of the Mexicans. He also supplicated their interests in
representing our faithful services to the Emperor, and their support against
the misrepresentations and enmity of the Bishop of Burgos.
Cortes
likewise at this time sent a vessel to
ly suspected, that the treasure which fell to the share of
the garrison of Villa Rica, and of which those who were entrusted with the
conveyance were robbed, went after all to Old Castille,
The siege
of Mexico being now determined on, Cortes left a garrison of twenty men mostly
sick and wounded, under the command of Francisco de Orozco in the town of Frontera, and proceeded with the rest of his force to the
country of Tlascala, where he ordered timber to be cut for the construction of
the vessels to command the lake of Mexico. The ships were to be constructed
under the directions of Martin Lopez, an excellent shipwright, and one who was
most highly serviceable to his Majesty’s interests here in other respects,
besides being a valiant soldier. When we arrived at Tlascala, we found that our
good friend and the faithful ally of our Monarch, Maxicatzin,
had fallen a victim to the small pox. Cortes lamented
him as if he had been his father, and put on mourning in respect to him, as did
many of our captains and soldiers. As there was some dispute in regard to the
succession, Cores settled that it should be with the legitimate son of our
friend, as he had desired at his death; a short time previous to which, having
summoned his family into his presence, he had strictly enjoined them never to
quit our alliance, as we were undoubtedly those who were destined to rule that
country. The other chiefs of that nation offered their assistance in providing
timber, and also to aid us in the war against the Mexicans. Cortes received
their proposals with every mark of attention and gratitude, and at that time
proposed to one of them, the elder Xicotenga, to turn
christian; to which he readily assented, and was
baptized in great ceremony by the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.
Our
shipwright Lopez managed his business so well, that in a few days he had all
his timber cut, shaped, and marked for each particular part of the vessels. He
was assisted by a good soldier named Andres
Nunez,
and by old Ramirez the carpenter, who was lame with a wound. Cortes obtained
from the
Now that
the timber of the vessels was all ready for the dock yard, and that those who
came with Narvaez no longer molested us with their fears and surmises, there
was great difference of opinion amongst us on the subject of establishing our
post, in order to prepare for the investment of
setting forward on our route for Tezcuco,
after we were joined by the people who came on board the vessel. Amongst these
were one Juan del Espinar,
afterwards a very rich man, one Sagredo uncle to the
woman called La Sagreda, in the