THE CAPTIVITY OF HANS STADE OF HESSE (Hakluyt Society, 1874)

All footnotes have been renumbered; the original text always started at “1” at each affected page.
In this transcription, special letters, letters with accents and the like have been rendered in regular English letters.

Originally posted July 2007 at http://www.jrbooksonline.com/burton.htm.

Footnotes on PREFACE (by Richard F. Burton).

1 Diario dal Navegacao, etc. Alluded to further on.

2 The Mutuca or Motuca, generally called Butuca, is the local gadfly (Hadaeus lepidotus. Perty). The Perna-lunga (Daddy-longlegs) is the true “Mosquito”, a Spanish term which well describes the Sand-, or “Little fly”, but which becomes ridiculous when applied to M. Maringouiu. The Pium (a Simulium) is the angry biter, better known as Borrachuda, the drunkard: it attacks you by day, and it is a little larger than the Carapani. The Mucuim or Mocoiui is a small scarlet Acarus: the term, however, is now generally applied to the sand-fly, by the “Indians” termed Maruim, and by the Portuguese “Polvora” (gunpowder). This is a prime pest in all unexposed places where the sea-breeze cannot blow them away; the infinitesimal fiends are most troublesome in the mornings and evenings, and they are said to rage most furiously at the change and full of the moon. Dira lues! rightly exclaims P. Anchieta.

3 It was called by the natives Guaimbe (Simam de Vasconcellos prefers Gaibe), from a pestilent weed which overran it. “Sanctus Maiurus” was a disciple of St. Benedict and the patron of broken bones.

4 The correct Tupi term was Ycayba, which we should write Isayba.

5 Memorias pars a Historia da Capitania de S. Vicente, etc., por Fr. G. da M. de Deos, publicadas em 1797. The author was a Benedictine monk, and a correspondent of the R. Academy of Sciences, Lisbon. He left a second volume in manuscript, which is said to have been stolen by some “curioso”—not an unfrequent occurrence in the Brazil.

6 Diario do Navegacao da Armada que foi a terra do Brasil em 1530. Escripto por Pedro Lopes de Souza e publicado em 1839, em Lisboa por Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen, etc. Rio de Janeiro. Freitas, Guimaraens e Ca. Rua do Sabao, 1847. It is a highly interesting specimen of an old log-book, settling not a few disputed questions.

7 The change from old to new style was ordered by Pope Gregory XIII in A.D. 1582.

8 See “Amerigo Vespucci, son caractere, ses ecrits, sa vie et ses Navigations”, Lima, 1865.” “Le Premier Voyage de Vespucci definitivement explique dans ses details”, Vienne, 1869, and “Nouvelles Recherches sur les dernieres Recherches du Navigateur Florentin, et les restes des documents et eclaircissements sur lui, avec les textes et une postface”, Vienne, 1870.

M. Varnhagen has not only established Vespucci’s character for rectitude and integrity; he has also had the courage to prove the priority of the much maligned navigator in American waters; and he makes it certain that Vespucci saw the American continent in A.D. 1497-1498, while Columbus, who did not sight it till August 1498, died in the belief that he had discovered the easternmost part of Asia.

9 There was no “Governor and Captain-General” till A.D. 1549, when that title was given by D. Joao III to the Captain of Sao Salvador da Bahia, that he might have authority over the other captaincies.

10 He must not be confounded with another “celebrated Indian”, Martini Alfonso de Souza, alias Ararigboia, who beat the French invaders in 1568.

11 See chapter xlii.

12 The “Brazil and River Plate Mail” (April 23rd, 1873) informs me that at length the Santos Docks, whose concession was modified by the decree of April 1st, 1873, are to be begun at once, and to be finished in five years. They are to consist of a floating apparatus 800 feet long by 210 wide. The other works will be an embankment 3000 feet long, from the Government wharf to near the Custom House; with wharves, warehouses, and landing-stages in the river-front; an enlarged Custom House and Marine Arsenal, in appropriate places, and a new street pierced through the city.

13 In the island of Sao Sebastiao alone there are four Armacoes dating from the days of its prosperity. The northernmost is called Dias Balm; once it belonged to Government, and now the white house and chapel in the straggling fisher-village are the property of Antonio da Costa Braga, who still works it. The second is of Antonio Loureuco de Freitas, closed. The third was called after Mauoel Serafim dos Anjos Ferreira; it had been turned into sugar-works by Lieut.-Colonel (National Guard) Alexandre Martinez d’Oliveira. The fourth belonged to the late Manoel Pedro, and the house is in ruins. Formerly some ninety to a hundred fish were harpooned in the coarse of the year—1781 was exceptional, and gave 850 head—and whaling was the earliest source of wealth to the colonists, together with the sugar-cane, brought from Madeira by Martini Affonso (Fr. Gaspar, p. 49). During the last two years there have been only six captures. The Gibarte whale (Rorqual?) gives only six pipes; the Balea, or right whale, twenty.

14 Usually supposed to be a corruption of Boy-assu-canga, the big Boa’s head. The Boa, properly speaking, does not exist in the New World; yet we have borrowed the word from its indigens. For further details, see chapter li.

15 For the “ceremony of creating a town in the New World”, see Southey (iii, 885), who borrows from the “Milicia Indiana of Captain Bernardo de Vargas Machuca. Madrid, 1599.”

16 I have noticed a similar surprise at that “templum mirae magnitudinis”, Na. Sa. da Conceicao dos Morrinhos on the Rio de S. Francisco (Highlands of the Brazil, ii, p. 271).

17 One morning I awoke and actually found a black Benedict in a most peculiar costume, placed right above my head. The white Saint Benedict in these regions is called Sao Bento.

18 The Royal Geographical Society calls everything above 1000 feet a mountain. In this matter I prefer Ritter, who extends the hill to 2000 feet, the low mountain to 4000, the middling to 6000, and the Alpine to 10,000. Beyond this height the altitude becomes gigantic (riesen gebirge).

19 The mangrove of these regions, as on the coast of Africa, is of two kinds:

1. The white (a Myoporinea, called by the “Indians” Seroibatinga, Serei-tinga or Sereibuna (?), and by the Portuguese Maugue Manso, M. Branco and M. Amarello, or more generally Mangle Bravo) which grows a tall tree on sand-banks where salt water does not extend, and even on raised cliffs. Its bark, a strong astringent, is used in medicine and for tanning, and its straight trunk makes good telegraph posts, whilst the wood is one of the best for fuel.

2. The red (Rhizophora Mangle, Guapariba, Mangue Verdadeiro, Amarello or Vermelho) flourishes only where fresh and salt water meet, and it grows again at once if the roots be not cut. The bark is a more powerful astringent than that of the white; the wood supplies house rafters, and the ashes are used in sugar refineries. The people will not stake it in fish weirs, believing that the bark drives away the game. The red, but not the white, mangrove strikes down shoots like Banyan trees (Ficus Indica). To the vegeto-animal matter, which it collects round its roots the people attribute miasmatic and febrile etfeets.

The old monk, Yves d’Evreux, calls the mangroves “Aparturiers” and “Aparturies” (probably a parturiendo), and, by means of them, explained to his savages the “Mystery of the Incarnation”: the upper growth was the heavenly nature with the hypostatic union, the lower was the Incarnation. I need hardly cite St. Patrick and the Shamrock.

20 Others say that Manoel was a son of Doge A. Doria’s son, the Admiral who defeated the Ottomans at Lepanto in 1571.

21 Anglice—    Old goat!
Look out, or they’ll treat you as they have treated me.

22 Throughout the Brazil not more than 250,000 “Indians” survive, according to the Census of August 1872. When the country was discovered, the total is supposed to have reached one million “Red-skins”, or about two per square mile, and this, small as it is, compares advantageously with other wild parts of America. The slave population is numbered at 1,683,864, and the free white at 8,162,114—a grand total of 10,095,978 (in 1807, three millions), giving a revenue of under twenty shillings a head.

Footnotes on INTRODUCTION, THE “INDIANS” OF THE BRAZIL (by Richard F. Burton).

1 This ancient author, for whom see the Introduction, seems not to have been free from the belief that there were truly national or racial differences; yet he owns of the coast peoples, however much they had been divided, that, “Todavia na semelhanca, condicao, costumes e ritos gentilicos todos sao uns.”

2 Pero Lopes de Souza, in A.D. 1532, found on the Plata River a people speaking Guarani, and calling themselves Nhandu, or the Emas (Struthio Americana). Many authors have assumed that “Guarani” was the racial name of the Brazilian savages, whilst “Tupi” applied only to a certain section.

3 Etymologically and literally Tupinamba (Tupi-anama-aba) signifies “uncle warriors,” or a “people related to Tupis”. The latter word may be written Tupi, or with the older writers Tupy. I shall prefer the former, and similarly Guaraní (not Guaráni, as in Southey) to Guarany. In the Brazilian tongue the terminal -y’ was pronounced mostly like the Greek “epsilon” and the French “u”. Thus “P’ty’,” tobacco—whence the Brazilian words “Pitar,” to smoke, and “Pitada,” a pinch of snuff—was phonetically written Betum and Pitun. It is, therefore, safer to use the “i.”

4 M. J. de Alencar, “O Guarany” (vol. i, p. 353), considers that “Tupi” was used only by certain peoples, and that the great race, which had conquered the country and had expelled, or absorbed the older owners, was generically called Guarany. Hence he makes the latter signify “Indigena Brasileiro”.

5 See sub voce, “Diccionario da Lingua Tupy, par A. Goncalves Dias”. Lipsia, Brockhaus, 1858.

6 So Fr. Gaspar tells us that the Tamoyos of Ubatyba (Ubatuba), Larangeiras, and Angra dos Reis, offended by Portuguese pride, allied themselves with those of Rio de Janeiro, and in A.D. 1556 nearly annihilated the whites of Sao Vicente. Santo Amaro was the theatre of war, and we see in Hans Stade, the Fazendas and Casas Fortes were ravaged, whilst the fort of Sao Felippe was threatened. These troubles ended by the good offices of PP. Nobrega and Anchieta, whilst Men de Sa conquered the tribes of Rio de Janeiro. The same Fr. Gaspar tells us (p. 90) that the Tupins (plural of Tupi) lived between Itanhaem and Cananea, and that the wild people (Selvajens) of Sao Vicente called their ancestors (Tapuy) a people from the north, and themselves their grandsons (Temiminos).

7 For instance, in the Captaincy of Sao Vicente, we find the people called by different authors Guaianas, Temiminos, Tupinambas, Tupiniquins, Maracayas, Bugres, etc., etc. Soares and Gandavo give the following list of tribes beginning from the south. In the actual provinces of Rio Grande do Sud and Santa Catherina, the “Carijos”; on the littoral of Sao Paulo, the “Guianas” (also called Goayana, Guayana, and Goana, in the plural Goayanazes and Guayanazes); and to the north of them, according to the Jesuits, “Temiminos”; “Tamoyos” in Rio do Janeiro; “Guaitacazes” and Papanazes in Espirito Santo; “Tupiniquins” in Porto Seguro; “Aymores” in the Ilheos; “Tupinambas”, men related to Tupis) on the seaboard of Bahia; and “Tupinaens”, “Amoipiras”, “Maracas”, and “Ubirajaras”, in the interior. Pernambuco had the “Caites”, and further north were the “Petiguares” or “Potiguares”. Finally, throughout the back-woods and unconquered interior were the so-called “Tapuia” nation, of old written “Tapuya” and “Tapyuya”, which simply meant barbarians (Varnhagen’s note, vol. i, p. 448).

8 This corrects Southey (ii, 526)—“The Nheengaibas seem not to have been a Tupi race”, etc.

9 It exactly corresponds with the useful Hindostani affix—“Wala”, a man, and it also becomes in composition Guara, Goara, Pora, and so forth.

10 Others translate the name “Warriors of the chief Poti” (i.e., the Shrimp).

11 Near the Ubira jaras are supposed to have lived the ancient “Amazons.” Ubira is also written Ybyra and Ymyra, meaning a tree, wood, etc. Ybyra-pitanga, red wood, is that which gave a name to the Brazil.

12 According to P. S. de Vasconcellos, “Toba” moans the face, and “yara”, lords: the whole meaning the “owners of the face of the country”, i.e., the seaboard as opposed to the Sertao (back-woods). A. Goncalves Dias (Poesias, p. 418) preserves the transliteration “Tobajaras”, but explains it Tibajitras, lords of villages. Taba was the village composed of several Ocas (houses, the old French “Carbets”); when the latter were isolated they took the name of “Tejupab”or Tejupabe: for the latter word, see Note to chap. xxi.

13 The etymon is derived from Taba, a village, and “Puya”, to fly; i.e., those who fly the villages, barbarians, savages, enemies. So the Bedawin call themselves Ahl-bayt, tented men, opposed to the villagers, Ahl-hayt, wall-men, who inhabit houses.

14 The savages seem to have made a study of Monhang-pora, or the mysteries of generation; hence they practised the Basque Gesine, or Couvade, which has now a literature of its own. This subject will presently recur.

15 I should rather say from Guura, an inhabitant, and therefore lord of the soil, not subject to any owner. Padre Lacueva (D’Orbigny, L’ Homme Americain, ii, 313) derives from it “Guarayu”, i.e., “Guam”, a people, and “yu”, yellow. D’Orbigny considers the terms Guarani, Guarayo, Caraib, and Galibi, to be all synonymous with Carib, whence, probably, our cannibals, the “gluttons of their foes’ flesh.” In Guarani, “Caruaybo” is applied to those who support themselves miserably (R. de Montoya, Tesoro de la lingua Guarani, f. 92, v.). Caryba (i.e., Cary white, and Mba, man, whence Caraiba) or Caraybes (Alphonse le Xaintongeois) is translated by Yves d’Evreux, “Francais, ou Chretien”. In the “Theogonie Bresilienne, racceuillie on XVI Siecle,” we find “Caraibes ou Pageez” (Page or priest), and Vasconcellos tells us that Caraibe-bebe, in the Southern Brazil, meant a powerful magician. From Cary, white, is derived Caryoba, white (cotton) oba or shirt. Hence, too, Carioca, the suburb of Rio de Janeiro, the Carai-oca, or white man’s house, from the fort there built by Martha Aflonso do Souza, and mentioned by Men de Sa.

16 Not a few writers (for instance, Washington Irving, Life of Columbus) boldly derive the Tupis from the Apalachian mountains of the northern continent, across the Mexican Gulf—that New World Mediterranean, whose eastern shores are continuous archipelagoes—and the Caribbean Sea, to the shores of Paria, Guiana, and Amazonia. Another traditional account of their origin brings them up from the Paraguay River, the home of the Guarani language, of wild maize, and, according to Saint Hilaire, of the Ombu fig. It has been well remarked that in the Old world, whilst emigration went from east to west, the course of conquest was from north to south; that is to say, from cold to heat, from the poorer to the richer lands, from the harsher to the milder climate. In the southern hemisphere, however, the bleak south represents our north. I do not believe in “dense forests” ever being the vagina gentium; on the contrary, as the history of the world everywhere tells us, high and comparatively barren plains have most often sent forth hordes of conquerors. Therefore, if authorities are equally balanced, I should prefer to derive the Tupi-Guarani from the regions of La Plata. On the other hand, the voice of tradition amongst the red tribes pointed to the north—their Scandinavia.

17 The first commander who reached the Brazil was Alonzo de Ojeda, who, with Amerigo Vespucci on board, touched at Cape Saint Augustine about the end of June A.D. 1499. The second was Pinzon (A.D. 1500), and the third was Diego Lope, about one month after Pinzon; whilst Pedralves (Pedro Alvares) Cabral was the fourth.

It is not a little curious that the Brazilian historians give a subordinate rank to the discovery of Pinzon, who struck Cape St. Augustine, which he believed to be India, on January 28th (26th?), A.D. 1500, three months before his Portuguese rival, to whom all the glory is assigned. The latter Capitao Mor started with thirteen ships from Belem, on March 9th, 1500, lost his way to India, and accidentally made Monte Pascual, south of St. Augustine; thence he ran down to Porto Seguro, where he arrived on the 3rd of May with twelve ships, having sent one to Portugal. Were the Brazilians Portuguese, we could see the reason of this injustice; but they have no love for the Lucitanians, and surely one’s enemy’s enemy should be one’s friend.

This is but the official discovery of Brazil which had certainly been visited often before. Doubtless many Portuguese en route to India were cast upon the coast. Without mentioning the pilot Sanchez, who died in the house of Columbus at Porto Santo—a subject of considerable dispute—I may instance the Joao Ramalho, alluded to in my preface. This worthy declares that he had been ninety years in the Brazil, in a will duly drawn up on May 3rd, 1580, by the notary Lourenco Vaz, with the aid of the Juiz Ordinario, Pedro Dias, and four witnesses (notes of the Villa of Sao Paulo). He must then have been wrecked in A.D. 1490, or two years before the first voyage of Columbus. On the other hand, Joao Ramalho’s memory may have failed him.

I have elsewhere attempted to show that what civilization belonged to the barbarians of the Brazil was introduced by the European castaways thrown on shore by the famous equatorial current, which carried Cabral to the New World, and thus to explain the fact of the coast having been missionarised by St. Thomas, the unbelieving Apostle. The ancients have also claims to the discovery. According to Silva Lisboa (Annaes do Rio de Janeiro), at the Villa das Dores, two leagues from Montevideo, a stone covering a brick tomb was found to bear in Greek characters the name of Macedonian Alexander, and beginning “‘In these places Ptolemy’. . . . There was also found the shell of a sword-hilt, showing the effigy of Alexander, and a helmet upon which Achilles was dragging the corpse of Hector.” Meanwhile, we would ask, where are these most important relics?

Again, we recently hear from Dr. Ladislao Netto, Director of the Museum, Rio de Janeiro, that a stone has been found at Parahyba containing “eight lines of the most beautiful Phoenician characters, without separation of words, without vowel points and quiescent letters.” The purport of the inscription is, that the Canaanites, as they call themselves (?), left Eziongeber (Akaha), and sailed for eleven (twelve?) novilunes (lunar mouths) along the land of Egypt (Africa). The well-known words Alonim w’alonat (Superi, superaeque) are said to be legible. Unfortunately, Dr. Netto, who, not knowing Phoenician, borrows all from Gesenius, did not see the stone, and does not know where it is. The slaves of Sr. Joaquim Alves da Costa found the stone at the farm of Pouso Alto, near Parahyba (north or south?), and brought it to their master. He copied the characters and forwarded his work to the Marquis de Supucahy, who in turn forwarded it to Dr. Netto. May we ask why the latter does not publish a fac-simile?

18 Damiao de Goes, in his Chronica de El Rei D. Manoel, expressly says that Goncalo Coelho set out with six ships on June 10th, A.D. 1503 (not 1501). And Southey (i, 24) makes Amerigo Vespucci command the expedition of 1501; yet, in the next page, he finds the savant controlled by the Navipraetor or Navipraeceptor (Gryneus, p. 156).

19 In 1550 appeared a German translation of the letters of Cortes, entitled “Ferdinandi Cortesii von dem newen Hispanien so im Meer gegen Niedergang, zwei lustige historien erstlich in Hispaniachen Sprache durch himselbsts beschrieben and verteuscht von Xysto Betuleio und Andrea Diethero.” Augsburg, in fol.

20 The existing state of geographical knowledge, as regards the New World and Africa, is resumed in A.D. 1518 by the cosmographer Fernandez de Euciso, Suma de Geographia. He popularised the thoroughly inaccurate expression “West Indies.”

21 Lacroix du Maine supposed that Thevet published in 1556, but he was certainly in error.

22 In A.D. 1560, Father Jose de Anchieta wrote his “Epistola quamplurimarum rerum naturalium; quae S. Vincentii (nunc S. Pauli) Provinciam incolunt, sistens descriptionem. Exaratum Sancti Vicentii quae ultima est in India Brasilica vergens ad Austrum Lusitanorum llabitatio, Anno Domini 1560, sub finem mensis Maii. Minimus Societatis Jesu.” Published in tom. i, Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of the Noticias, before alluded to. It bears the traces of its age; for instance, § xvi: “Inveni columbrum juste viam jacentem in spiras collectum, quem, signo crucis prius munitus, percussi baculo of interfeci.” This is not included in the list, as it cannot properly be called a book of travels.

23 Meanwhile, two MSS. are mentioned: 1st. The “Summario das Armadas e Guerras ho Rio Parahiba”; and, 2nd. The “Tratado da Conquista do Cabo Frio”, by Antonio Salema (Gabriel Soares, Part I, chapter lv). Of course there are many others.

24 Copy of a letter written to Mr. Richard Staper by John Whithall, from Santos, the 26th of June, 1578—

“Worshipfull sir, and welbeloued friend, Mr. Staper, I haue me most heartily commended unto you, wishing your health euen as mine owne.

“These few words may bee to let you understand, that whereas I wrote unto you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon, howe that I determined to bee with you very shortly; it is in this country offered mee to marry, and to take my choice of three or foure, so that I am about three dayes agoe consorted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these four dayes. This, my friend and father-in-law, Signor Joffo Dore (Doria), is born in the citie of Genoa, in Italy; his kindred is well knowen amongst the Italians in London; also hee hath but onely this childe, which is his daughter, which he hath thought better bestowed upon mee than on any Portugal in this country, and doeth give with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath, that doeth make euery yeare a thousand roues of sugar. This my marriage will be worth to mee two thousand dockets, little more or lesse. Also Signor Joffo Dore, my father-in-lawe, doeth intende to put into my haunds the whole Ingenio, with sixtie or seuentie slaues, and thereof to make me factor for us both. I give my liuing Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and pleutifulnesse of all things.

“Also, certaine dayes past I talked with the Prouedor and Captaine, and they haue certified me, that they haue discoucred certaine mines of siller & gold, & looked every day for masters to come to open the said mines; which, when they be opened, will inrich this countrey very much. This place is called S. Vincent, and is distant from you two thousand leagues, and in 24 degrees of latitude on the south side of the equinoctial line, and almost under the Tropike of Capricorne, a countrey it is very healthfull, without sicknesse.

“Moreouer, I haue talked with the Captaine and Prouedor, and my father-in-lawe, who rule all this countrey, for to have a ship with goods to come from London hither, which have promised mee to give mee license, saying that nowe I am free denizen of this countrey. To cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would servo this their countrey, would come to great pines, God sending in safety the profite and gaines. In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither front London is for every one commoditie delivered here three for one, and then after the proceed may be employed in white sugar at four hundred reis the roue (acroba).

“I meane, also, to have a friend in London to sende me a ship of 60 or 70 tunnes, little more or lesse, with such commodities as I shall give advise for. If you and Master Osborne will defile here, I will deale with you before any other, because of our old friendly friendship in time past. If you have any stomake thereto, in the name of God, do you espie out a fine barke of seuentie or eightie tunnes, and send her hither with a Portugal pilot to this port, S. Vincent, in Brazil, bordering upon the borders of Peru.

“Also I herewith write unto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish this voyage in commodities and otherwise.

“First, you must lade in the same ship certaine Hampshire & Devonshire karsies; for the which you must let her depart from London in October, and to touch in the Canaries, and there to make a sale of the said karsies, and with the proceed thereof to lade fifteen tunnes of wines that be perfect & goode, & sixe dozen of Cordovan skinnes of these colours, to wit: orange, tawnie, yellow, red, & very fine black. I thick you shall not finde such colours there; therefore, you must cause them that go upon this voyage to take saffron with them, to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the said colours. Also, I thinke you shall finde oyles there. Three hogsheads of sweete oyle for this voyage are very necessary, or a hundred and fifty canes of oyle. Also, in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares, as followeth:

“Imprimis, Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort.
“Item, One piece of fine holland.
Four hundred elles of osonbriges, very fine.
Four dozen of scizzors, of all sorts.
Sixteene kintals of pitch, of the Canaries.
&c. &c. &c.

“These be such sort of wares as I would you should send, if you meane to deale, or send any ship hither. Have you no doubt, but, by the helpe of God, I shall put all things in good order according to your contentment and profit; for my father-in-lawe, with the Capitaine and Provedor, doe rule this country. My father-in-law and I shall (God willing) make a good quantitie of sugar every yeere, which sugar we intend to ship for London from henceforth, if we can get such a trustie and good friend as you to Beale with us in this matter. I pray you presently after the receipt of this my letter to write me answere thereof, and send your letter to Mr. Holder to Lisbone, and he will convey it to me out of hand.

“Besides the premises, send size yards of
Skulef parchment lace of diuers colours.
Sixe yards of crimosin velvet.
Sixe yards of crimosin satten.
Twelve yards of fine puke blacke.

“Here, in this couutrey, instead of John Whithall, they have called me John Leitoan; so that they have used this name so long time, that at this present there is no remedie, but it must remaine so. When you write unto me, let the superscription be unto John Leitoan.

“Thus I commit you, with all yours, to the Holy Ghost for ever.

“If you send this ship, I would have you give this order, that she touch in no part of the coast of Guinea nor any other coast, but to come directly hither to the port of S. Vincent, and from the Canaries let her be dispatched in my name, to wit, John Leitoau.

“Also a dozen shirts for my wearing let be sent, if you send the ship.

“Item, size or eight pieces of sayes for mantles for women, which is the most necessary thing that can be sent.

“By your assured friend,

“JOHN WHITHALL.”

Santos, p. 359.—“It was my chance,” says Knivet, “going up and down from cell to cell in the College of Jesus, that I looked under a bed standing in a dark hole, where I found a little chist fast nayled, & the seames thereof were white with wheat flower. I drew it forth, &, finding it of great weight, broke it in pieces, wherein I found 1700 riels of eight, each whereof containeth four shillgs Eng. This hole I took for my lodging, and no man new of my good purchas: cloth, shirts, blankets, & beds, and such stuffe no man regarded.”

25 There was long a mystery about this anonymous “Roteiro geral com largas informacoes de toda a costa que pertence ao Estado do Brasil, e descripcao de muitos lugares delle, especialmente de Bahia de Todos os Santos”, dedicated to Christovam de Moura in 1587. The Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, recognising the importance of the anthropological and ethnological portion of the contents, published it in the Noticias Ultramarinas (vol. iii, Part I, of 1825). Varuhagen, after the collation of many MSS., which bore different titles, at length determined that it was composed in A.D. 1587 by Suares, and printed it under the name of Noticia do Brazil.

26 Here come the Historiarum Indicarum Libri XVI, Florentiae, 1588, which give a short account of the Brazil, and the MS. of Domingos d’Abreu de Brito.

27 See “Voyage dans le nord du Bresil, fait durant les annees 1613 et 1614, par le Pere Yves d’Evreux. Publie d’apres l’exemplaire unique conserve a la Bibliotheque Imperiale de Paris. Avec une Introduction et des notes par M. Ferdinand Denis, conservateur a la bibliotheque sainte Genevieve. Leipzig et Paris, Librairie A. Franck, Albert L. Herold, 1864.” Admirably edited and well printed, this number of the “Bibliotheca Americana” forms a text-book for students, who can rely with confidence upon the judgment and the learning of M. Denis.