Taken from Isabel Burton, The Inner Life of Syria, Palestine, and the Holy Land (London: Henry S. King & Co., 1875), Vol. I, pp. 331-43.

 

... In June, 1870, Captain Burton prepared a despatch for our Ambassador at Constantinople, on the system of defrauding the poor and of ruining villages by the Damascus Jewish money-lenders.

I will now try to explain how these matters stood.

In former days, when not a few Europeans were open to certain arrangements which made them take the highest interest in the business transactions of their clients, a radically bad system, happily now almost extinct, was introduced into Syria. The European subject, or protégé, instead of engaging in honest commerce, was thus encouraged to seek inordinate and usurious profits by sales to the Government and by loans to the villagers. In such cases he, of course, relied entirely upon the protection of a foreign Power, on account of the sums to be expended in feeing native functionaries before repayment could be expected. Thus the Consuls became, as it were, huissiers, or bailiffs, whose principal duties were to collect the bad debts of those who had foreign passports.

Damascus contained a total of forty-eight adult males protected by H.B.M.'s Consulate, and of these there are a triumvirate of Shylocks whose names I suppress. Most of them are Jews who were admitted to, or whose fathers acquired, a foreign nationality, given with the benevolent object of saving them from Moslem cruelty and oppression in days gone by. These protégés have extended what was granted for the preservation of their lives, liberties, and property, to transactions which rest entirely for success upon British protection. The case of No. 1, whom we will call Juda, is a fair example. He has few dealings in the City, the licit field of action. But since the death of his highly respectable father, in 1854, he has been allowing bills signed by the ignorant peasantry of the province to accumulate simple and compound interest, till the liabilities of the villagers have become greater than the value of the whole village. A——, for instance, on the eastern skirt of Mount Hermon, owes him 106,000 piastres, which were originally 42,000. He claims 5,000 purses from the B family, upon a total debt of 242,000½ piastres, in 1857. We have not yet passed through a single settlement where his debtors did not complain loudly of his proceedings; and to A—— may be added C——, Q——, and D——el X——, a stronghold of the Druzes. Some villages have been partly depopulated by his vexations, and the injury done to the Druzes by thus driving them from the Anti-Lebanon to the Haurán, may presently be severely visited upon the Ottoman authorities. The British protégé is compelled every year, in his quality of Shubasi (farmer of revenue), to summon the village Shaykhs and peasantry, to imprison them, and to leave them lying in jail till he can squeeze from them as much as possible, and to injure them by quartering Hawali, or policemen, who plunder whatever they can. He long occupied the whole attention, though it had other and more important duties, of the Village Commission (Kumision Mahasibat el Kura), established in A.H. 1280 (1863). For about a year a special commission (Kumision Makhsus) had at that time—1870—been sitting on his case, whose intricacies, complicated by his unwillingness to settle anything, wearied out all the members. At different times he quarrelled with every person in the Court—from the Defterdar, who is its President, to the Consular Dragomans, who composed it. Even felony was freely imputed to him by various persons. He was accused of bribing the Government Khatibs (secretaries) to introduce into documents sentences of doubtful import, upon which he can found claims for increased and exorbitant interest, of adding lines to receipts and other instruments after they have been signed, and of using false seals, made at home by his own servants. One of the latter publicly denounced him, but was, as usual, paid to keep silence. He is reported again and again to have refused, in order that the peasants might remain upon his books, the ready moneys offered to him for the final settlement of village liabilities. His good management had baffled all efforts at detection, whilst every one was morally certain that the charges were founded on fact. He corrupts, or attempts to corrupt, all those with whom he has dealings.

Captain Burton wanted to inform them that British protection extends to preserving their persons and property from all injustice and violence, but that it would not assist them to recover debts from the Ottoman Government, or from the villagers of the province, and that it would not abet them in imprisoning or in distraining the latter. To such general rule, of course, exceptions would be admissible, at the discretion of the officer in charge of H.B.M.'s Consulate; in cases, for instance, when just and honest claims might be rejected, or their payment unduly delayed. The sole inconvenience which would arise to such creditors from their altered position would be the necessity of feeing the Serai more heavily; and even then they openly communicated with the local authorities, reserving the Consulate as a forlorn hope. The change might possibly have directed their attention to a more legitimate commercial career. Such a measure would have been exceedingly popular throughout the country, and would have relieved us from the suspicion of interested motives—a suspicion which must exist where honesty and honour, in an English understanding of these words, are almost unknown; and from the odium which attaches to the official instruments of oppression. Finally, the corruption of Damascus rendered Captain Burton the more jealous of the good name of the Consulate, and the more desirous of personal immunity from certain reports which, at different times, have been spread about others in office. He therefore wanted to post on the door of H.M.'s Consulate, Damascus, the following notice: —

Her Britannic Majesty's Consul hereby warns British subjects and protégés that he will not assist them to recover debts from the Government or from the people of Syria, unless the debts are such as between British subjects could be recovered through H.M.'s Consular Courts. Before purchasing the claims, public or private, of an Ottoman subject—and especially where Government paper is in question—the protégé should, if official interference be likely to be required, at once report the whole transaction to this Consulate. British subjects and protected persons are hereby duly warned that protection extends to life, liberty, and property, in cases where these are threatened by violence or by injustice; but that it will not interfere in speculations which, if undertaken by Syrian subjects of the Porte, could not be expected to prove remunerative. British subjects and protected persons must not expect the official interference of the Consulate in cases where they prefer (as of late has often happened at Damascus) to urge their claims upon the local authorities without referring to this Consulate, and altogether ignoring the jurisdiction of H.B.M.'s Consul. Finally, H.B.M.'s Consul feels himself bound to protest strongly against the system adopted by British subjects and protected persons at Damascus, who habitually induce the Ottoman authorities to imprison peasants and pauper debtors either for simple debt, or upon charges which have not been previously produced for examination at this Consulate. The prisons will be visited once a week. An official application will be made for the delivery of all such persons.

(Signed)   R. F. BURTON,

H.B.M.'s Consul, Damascus.

Damascus, June 20th, 1870.

I have already related how, on August 26th, Captain Burton, received a letter from the Rev. W. Wright, and likewise one from the Chief Consular Dragoman, Mr. Nasíf Meshaka, which induced him to ride at once to Damascus (from Bludán, the summer quarter); how he found that half the Christians had fled, and everything was ripe for a new massacre; how he sought the authorities, and informed them of their danger; induced them to have night patrols, to put guards in the streets, to prevent Jews or Christians leaving their houses, and to take all measures needful to convince the conspirators that they would not find every one sleeping as they did in 1860. The Wali and all the chief responsible authorities were absent. The excitement subsided under the measures recommended by him, and in three days all was quiet, and the Christians returned to their homes. I affirm that, living in safety upon the sea-coast, no man can be a judge of the other side of the Lebanon, nor, if he does not know some Eastern language, can he be a judge of Orientals and their proceedings. Certain Jewish usurers had been accused of exciting these massacres, because their lives were perfectly safe, and they profited of the horrors to buy up property at a nominal price. It was brought to Captain Burton's notice that two Jewish boys, servants to British protected subjects, were giving the well-understood signal by drawing crosses on the walls. Its meaning to him was clear. He promptly investigated it, and took away the British protection of the masters temporarily, merely reproving the boys, who had acted under orders. He did not take upon himself to punish them. Certain ill-advised Israelitish money-lenders fancied it was a good opportunity to overthrow him, and with him his plan of seeing fair proceedings on the part of British protégés; so they reported to Sir Moses Montefiore and Sir Francis Goldsmid that he had tortured the boys. His proceedings were once more proved just. The correspondence on the subject was marvellously interesting, but being official I cannot use it.

The Jews from all times held a certain position in Syria, on account of their being the financiers of the country; and even in pre-Egyptian days Haim Farhi was able to degrade and ruin Abdullah Pasha, of St. John d'Acre. In the time of Ibrahim Pasha, about forty-four years ago, when the first Consuls went there, a few were taken under British protection, and this increased their influence. Then came the well-known history of the murder of Padre Tomaso. After this had blown over, all the richest people of the community tried to become British protected subjects, or protégés of some foreign Consulate. In the time of Mr. Consul (Richard) Wood (1840), they were humble enough. In the massacre of 1860 they enriched themselves greatly, and men possessing £3000 rose suddenly to £30,000. Then they had at their backs in England Sir Moses Montefiore, Sir F. Goldsmid, and the Rothschilds, who doubtless do not know the true state of the Jewish usurers in this part of the world. The British Consul became the Jews' bailiff, and when we went to Syria we found them rough riding all the land. I speak only of the few money-lenders. When Captain Burton arrived in 1869, Shylock No. 1 came to him, and patting him patronizingly on the back told him he had 300 cases for him, relative to collecting £60,000 of debts. Captain Burton replied, "I think, sir, you had better hire and pay a Consul for yourself alone; I was not sent here as a bailiff, to tap the peasant on the shoulder in such cases as yours." He then threatened Captain Burton with the British Government. Captain Burton replied, "It is by far the best thing you can do: I have no power to alter a plain line of duty." Shylock then tried my influence, but I replied that I was never allowed to interfere in business matters. Then Sir Francis Goldsmid, to our great surprise, wrote to headquarters—a rather unusual measure—as follows:—"I hear that the lady to whom Captain Burton is married is believed to be a bigoted Roman Catholic, and to be likely to influence him against the Jews." In spite of "women's rights" I was not allowed the privilege of answering Sir Francis Goldsmid officially; but I hope to convince him—even after four years—that he was misinformed. Religion certainly is, and ought to be, the first and highest sentiment of our hearts, and I consider it my highest prerogative to be a staunch and loyal Catholic. But I also claim to be free from prejudice, and to be untrammelled in my sentiments about other religions. Our great Master and His apostles showed no bigotry, and it is to them that I look for my rule of life, not to the clique I was born in. Many amongst us old Catholics, who live amongst our own people, and are educated men and women, go forth into the world and are quite unbiased against other faiths; we take to our hearts friends, without inquiring into their religion or politics. And if sometimes we sigh because they are not of our way of thinking, it is not from any bigotry or party feeling, it is because we love them, and we wish that we could give them some of our happiness and security. I appeal to my enemies—if I have any—to say whether I have any prejudice against race or creed.{F/N 1} At all events, I have an honest admiration and respect for the Jewish religion. They were the chosen people of God. They are more akin to us than any other faith. Jesus Christ was a Jew, the apostles were Jews. He came not to destroy the law, but to change the prescriptions necessary for the times. The Great Reformer was the connecting link between us. He made Christianity, or Judaism, for the multitude, a Syro-Arabian creed. He parted the Creation into two great divisions—those who accepted the new school, and those who clung to the old. We are of the former, and the Jews of the latter fold. It would be madness to despise those who once ruled the ancient world, and who will rule again—do we not see signs of their return to power every day? It would be more than folly not to honour the old Tribes of the chosen people of God. In Syria only the Jews, Druzes, and Bedawin can boast of their origin. In the world we know, only the Jews and Catholics can boast of antiquity of religion. An Eastern Jew cannot but be proud of his religion and his descent. As I turn over my old Damascus journal, my heart warms to think that some of my dearest native friends at Damascus were of the Jewish religion. I was on good terms with them all, and received sincere hospitality from them. At Trieste, again, the enlightened and hospitable Hebrews are my best friends. It is the Jews who lead society here, the charities, and the fashion; they are the life of the town. When I call to mind how many Jews I know, I like, and I have exchanged hospitality with, here and in the East, I do not know how to speak strongly enough on the subject.

But now let us turn to the dark side of the picture. Even those who are the proudest of their Semitic origin speak contemptuously of their usurers. And, let me ask, do we pet and admire our own money-lenders? Let a Damascus Jew once become a usurer, back him up with political influence, and see what he will become. He forgets race and creed; that touching, dignified, graceful humility changes into fawning servility, or to brutal insolence and cruelty, where he is not afraid. He thirsts only for money. The villainies practised by the usurers, especially the Shylocks in Damascus, excite every right-minded person to indignation; and if I had no other esteem for my husband, I should owe it to him for the brave manner in which he made a stand against these wrongs at every risk. He knew that no other Consul had ever dared—nor would ever dare—to oppose it; but he said simply, "I must do right; I cannot sit still and see what I see, and not speak the truth; I must protect the poor, and save the British good name, advienne que pourra, though perhaps in so doing I shall fall myself"—and he did. He is not what is called a religious man, but he acts like one; and if he did nothing else to win respect and admiration, that alone should give people an insight into his character, whilst I—like Job's wife—incessantly said, "Leave all this alone, as your predecessor did, as your Consul-General does, and as your successor will do, and keep your place, and look forward to a better." If the usurers had been Catholics instead of Jews, I should like them to have lost their "protection," to have been banished from Damascus, and excommunicated as long as they plied their trade. More I cannot say.

One man alone had ruined and sucked dry forty-one villages. He used to go to a distressed village and offer them money, keep all the papers, and allow them nothing to show; adding interest and compound interest, which the poor wretches could not understand. Then he gave them no receipts for money received, so as to be paid over and over again. The uneducated peasant had nothing to show against the clever Jew at the Diwán, till body and soul, wives, children, village, flocks, and land, became his property and slaves for the sake of the small sum originally borrowed. These men, who a few years ago were not worth much, are now rolling in wealth. We found villages in ruins, and houses empty, because the men were cast into jail, the children starving, and women weeping at our feet because these things were done in the name of England—by the powerful arm of the British Consulate. My husband once actually found an old man of ninety, who had endured all the horrors of the Damascus jail during the whole of a biting winter, for owing one of these men a napoleon (sixteen shillings). He set him free, and ever after visited the prisons once a week, to see whether the British protected subjects had immured pauper Christians and Moslems on their own responsibility. One of the usurers told my husband to beware, for that he knew a Royal Highness of England, and that he could have any Consular Officer recalled at his pleasure; and my husband replied that he and his clique could know very little of English Royalty, if they thought that it would protect such traffic as theirs. The result of this was that they put their heads together, and certain letters were sent to the Chief Rabbi of London, Sir Francis Goldsmid, and Sir Moses Montefiore. They sent telegrams and petitions, purporting to be from "all the Jews in Damascus." We believe, however, that "all the Jews in Damascus" knew nothing whatever about the step. They are mostly a body of respectable men—hard-working, inoffensive, and of commercial integrity, with a fair sprinkling of pious, charitable, and innocent people. These despatches, backed by letters from the influential persons who received them, were duly forwarded to the Foreign-office. The correspondence was sent in full to Captain Burton to answer, which he did at great length, and to the satisfaction of his Chiefs, who found that he could not have acted otherwise.

Captain Burton wrote:—"I am ready to defend their lives, liberty, and property, but I will not assist them in ruining villages, and in imprisoning destitute debtors upon trumped-up charges. I would willingly deserve the praise of every section of the Jewish community of Damascus, but in certain cases it is incompatible with my sense of justice and my conscience." They bragged so much in the bazars about getting Captain Burton recalled, that a number of sympathizing letters were showered upon us.{F/N 2}

To conclude, the effect of their conduct in Damascus will fall upon their own heads, and upon their children. Do not purposely misunderstand me, O Israel! Remember, I do not speak of you disparagingly as a Nation, or as a Faith. As such I love and admire you; but I pick out your usurers from among you, as the goats from the sheep. You are ancient in birth and religion; you are sometimes handsome, always clever, and in many things you far outstrip us Christians in the race of life. Your sins and your faults are, and have been, equally remarkable from all time. Many of you, in Damascus especially, are as foolish and stiff-necked as in the days of old. When the time comes, and it will come, the trampled worm will turn. The Moslem will rise not really against the Christian—he will only be the excuse—but against you. Your quarter will be the one to be burnt down; your people to be exterminated, and all your innocent tribe will suffer for the few guilty.

A Druze of the Haurán once said to me, "I have the greatest temptation to burn down A.'s house. I should be sent to Istambul in chains, but what of that? I should free my village and my people." I begged of him not to think of such a crime. A sinister smile passed over his face, and he muttered low in his beard: "No; not yet! not yet! Not till the next time. And then not much of the Yahúd will be left when we have done with them." I quote this as a specimen of the ill-feeling bred over the interior of Syria by their over-greed of gain. And I only hope that the powerful Israelitic Committees and Societies of London and Paris will—and they can if they will—curb the cupidity of their countrymen in Syria.

*        *        *        *        *

{F/N 1} Although a staunch Catholic, I am an ardent disciple of Mr. Disraeli—I do not mean Mr. Disraeli as Prime Minister of England, but the author of "Tancred." I read the book as a young girl in my father's house, and it inspired me with all the ideas, and the yearning for a wild Oriental life, which I have since been able to carry out. I passed two years of my early life, when emerging from the school-room, in my father's garden, and the beautiful woods around us, alone with "Tancred." My family were pained and anxious about me—thought me odd; wished I would play the piano, do worsted work, write notes, read the circulating library—in short, what is generally called improving one's mind, and I was pained because I could not. My uncle used to pat my head, and "hope for better things." I did not know it then, I do now: I was working out the problem of my future life, my present mission. It has lived in my saddle-pocket throughout my Eastern life. I almost know it by heart, so that when I came to Bethany, to the Lebanon, and to Mukhtara—when I found myself in a Bedawi camp, or amongst the Maronite and Druze strongholds, or in the society of Fakredeens—nothing surprised me. I felt as if I had lived that life for years. I felt that I went to the Tomb of my Redeemer in the proper spirit, and I found what I sought. The presence of God was actually felt, though invisible.

Now that the author, who possesses by descent, a knowledge that we Northerners lack (a high privilege reserved to his Semitic blood), has risen to the highest poet in England, I shall incur the suspicion of flattery from the vulgar; but my honest heart and pen can afford it, and I see no reason to omit on that account what was written three years ago, when the Conservative Government was at a discount. Rather will I congratulate my country that, with the Eastern question staring us in the face, we have at the helm one of the few men in England who is competent to deal with it.

 

{F/N 2} I quote the following verbatim:—

DEAR MRS. BURTON,

We desire to express to you the great satisfaction which Captain Burton's presence as British Consul in Damascus has given us, both in our individual capacities and in our character of missionaries to Syria.

Since his arrival here we have had every opportunity of judging of Captain Burton's official conduct, and we beg to express our approval of it.

The first public act that came under our notice was the removing of dishonest officials, and the replacing them by honest ones. This proceeding gave unmixed pleasure to every one to whom the credit of the English name was a matter of concern. His subsequent conduct has restored the prestige of the English Consulate, and we no longer hear it said that English officials, removed from the checks of English public opinion, are as corrupt in Turkey as the Turks themselves. As missionaries we frankly admit that we had been led to view Captain Burton's appointment with alarm; but we now congratulate ourselves on having abstained either directly or indirectly endeavouring to oppose his coming.

Carefully following our own habitual policy of asking no consular interference between the Turkish Government and its subjects, we stand upon our right as Englishmen to preach and teach so long as we violate no law of the land, and we claim for our converts the liberty of conscience secured to them by treaty. In the maintenance of this one right we have been firmly upheld by Captain Burton.

A few months ago, when our schools were illegally and arbitrarily closed by the Turkish officials, he came to our aid, and the injustice was at once put a stop to. His visit to the several village schools under our charge proved to the native mind the Consul's interest in the moral education of the country, which it is the object of those schools to promote, and impressed upon the minds of local magistrates the propriety of letting them alone.

Within the last few days we had occasion to apply to Captain Burton regarding our cemetery, which had been broken open, and it was an agreeable surprise to us when after two days a police-officer came to assure us that the damage had been repaired by the Pasha's orders, and search was being made for the depredator.

Above all, in view of any possible massacre of Christians in this city—the all but inevitable consequence of a war between Turkey and any Christian power—we regard as an element of safety the presence among us of a firm, strong man like Captain Burton, as representing the English interests.

When, not long ago, a panic seized the city, and a massacre seemed imminent, Captain Burton immediately came down from his summer quarters, and by his presence largely contributed to restore tranquillity. All the other important Consuls fled from Damascus, and thus increased the panic.

We earnestly hope that Captain Burton will not suffer himself to be annoyed by the enmity he is sure to provoke from all who wish to make the English name a cover for wrong and injustice, or think that a British subject or protégé should be supported, whatever be the nature of his case.—With kindest respects, we are, dear Mrs. Burton, yours very truly,

(Signed) JAMES ORR SCOTT, M.A., Irish Presbyterian Mission.

WM. WRIGHT, B.A., Missionary of the Irish Presbyterian Church.

P.S.—By-the-by, on one occasion one of the most important Jews of Damascus, when conversing with me and the Rev. John Crawford, American missionary, said that Captain Burton was unfit for the British Consulate in Damascus; and the reason he gave was that, being an upright man, he transacted his business by fair means instead of by foul.

Damascus, November 28th, 1870.

—————

MY DEAR MRS. BURTON,

I was calling at a native house yesterday whore I found assembled some leading people of Damascus. The conversation turned upon Captain Burton and the present British Consulate. One word led to another; and I heard, to my surprise and consternation, that men famed for their various pecuniary transactions, are boasting about everywhere "that, upon their representations, the Consul is to be recalled;" and all Damascus is grieved and indignant at them. For my part I cannot, will not, believe that Her Majesty's Government would set aside a man of Captain Burton's standing, and well-known justice and capacity in public affairs, for the sake of these Jews, who are desolating the villages and ruining those who have the misfortune to fall into their clutches. He is also so thoroughly adapted for this Babel of tongues, nations, and religions, and is so rapidly raising our English Consulate from the low estimation in which it had fallen in the eyes of all men, to the position it ought to and would occupy under the rule of an incorruptible, firm, and impartial character like Captain Burton's.

At the risk of vexing you, I must tell you what I now hoar commonly reported in the bazar, for several merchants and others have asked me if it was true. * * * [Here follows the history.] Our present Consul is too much a friend to the oppressed, and examines too much everything himself to suit their money transactions. The Consulate for an age has not been so respectable as now; and should you really go, I should think any future Consul would shrink to do his duty, for fear of his conduct being misrepresented at home. You must write me a line to tell me the truth, if you may do so without indiscretion; and people are wanting to write to the F. O. and the Times, so provoked are they at the lies and duplicity. The day I was with you and you refused to see Juda and the other Jew, who seemed to dodge you about like a house cat, and looked so ill at ease and in a fright, did you then suspect or know anything about all this?

With regard to the Arab tribes, they, too, have an admiration for Captain Burton's dauntless character and straightforward dealing, so different from others. You know that Shaykh Mohammed el Dhouky and Farés el Méziad openly say so in the Desert.

I had intended to scribble but two lines, and I have been led on till my note has become a long letter. So, good-bye; and I truly hope all these machinations will end in the discomfiture of their inventors.

[I also omit the signature, but keep the original.]

Damascus, November 28th, 1870.

—————

MONSIEUR LE CONSUL,

C'est avec le plus grand plaisir nous venons vous exprimer notre satisfaction et les sentiments de notre amour envers votre amiable personne, ayant toujours devant les yeux les belles qualités et les grande mérites dont vous êtes orné.

Il y a plus d'un an que nous avons eu l'honneur de vous connaître, et nous sommes en méme de pouvoir apprécier votre bonne disposition pour le soutien de la cause chrétienne sans distinction de religion; et, par conséquent, nous sommes extrêmement reconnaissants au bienfait philanthropique du Gouvernement de S. M. Britannique, qui a daigné nous envoyer à Damas un représantant si digne et si mérité comme vous l'êtes, Monsieur le Consul.

C'est avec regret que nous avons appris que des gens malicieux de Damas se sont plaints contre vous pour des causes qui vous sont très-honorables.

Nous venons vous exprimer notre indignation pour leur conduite inexplicable et méprisable en vous témoignant notre reconnaissance pour le grand zèle et l'activité incessante que vous déployez toujours pour le bien et pour le repos de tous les Chrétiens en général.

Nous espérons que vous continuerez pour l'avenir comme pour le passé à nous accorder les mêmes bienfaits.

C'est avec ce même espoir que nous vous prions, Monsieur le Consul, d'agréer nos sentiments de haute considération.

(Signé)   EROTEOS,

Patriarche Grec d'Antioche.

À M. le Capitaine Burton, Consul de S.M. Britannique à Damas.

Damas, le 15 Décembre, 1870.

—————

MONSIEUR LE CONSUL,

Nous avons entendu avec beaucoup d'inquiet que certains gens malicieux à Damas se sont plaignés de vous pour des causes qui vous sont très-honorables.

Nous désirons vous exprimer combien leur conduite est méprisable et inexcusable à nos yeux.

Nous vous avons connu maintenant plus qu'un an; nous vous avons trouvé toujours prêt à assister la cause chrétienne, sans égard pour les différences de la religion at à nous appuyer quand nous aurions été peut-être traités durement.

Dans les circonstances actuelles de cette année nous aurions beaucoup d'inquiétude s'il y avait une chance même que vous nous quittiez. Nous espérons que vos bons offices seront continués pour nous dans l'avenir comme dans le passé. Nous vous prions de vous servir de notre regard pour vous comme Consul et ami aussi publiquement que possible.

Daignez agréer; &c., &c.

(Signé)    L'ÉVÊQUE MACARIOS,
      Le Vicaire du Patriarcat à Damas. (L.S.)
GREGOIR JACOB,

      Archev. Syrien Catholique de Damas. (L.S.)
LA VICAIRE DU PATRIARCAT Maronite
      à Damas.
(L.S.)
LA VICAIRE DU PATRIARCAT Armenien Catholique
      à Damas.
(L.S.)

À Monsieur R. F. Burton, Consul de S.M. Britannique à Damas.

Damas, le 13 Décembre, 1870.