Taken from Isabel
Burton, The Inner Life of Syria, Palestine, and the
Holy Land (London: Henry S. King & Co., 1875), Vol. I,
pp. 331-43.
... In June, 1870, Captain Burton
prepared a despatch for our Ambassador at Constantinople, on the system of defrauding the poor and of
ruining villages by the Damascus Jewish money-lenders.
I will now try to explain how these
matters stood.
In former days, when not a few Europeans
were open to certain arrangements which made them take the highest interest in
the business transactions of their clients, a radically bad system, happily now
almost extinct, was introduced into Syria. The European subject, or protégé, instead of engaging in honest commerce, was thus
encouraged to seek inordinate and usurious profits by sales to the Government
and by loans to the villagers. In such cases he, of course, relied entirely
upon the protection of a foreign Power, on account of the sums to be expended
in feeing native functionaries before repayment could be expected. Thus the
Consuls became, as it were, huissiers, or bailiffs,
whose principal duties were to collect the bad debts of those who had foreign
passports.
Damascus contained a total of forty-eight adult males
protected by H.B.M.'s Consulate, and of these there
are a triumvirate of Shylocks whose names I suppress.
Most of them are Jews who were admitted to, or whose fathers acquired, a
foreign nationality, given with the benevolent object of saving them from
Moslem cruelty and oppression in days gone by. These protégés have extended what was granted for the preservation of
their lives, liberties, and property, to transactions which rest entirely for
success upon British protection. The case of No. 1, whom we will call Juda, is a fair example. He has few dealings in the City,
the licit field of action. But since the death of his highly respectable
father, in 1854, he has been allowing bills signed by the ignorant peasantry of
the province to accumulate simple and compound interest, till the liabilities of
the villagers have become greater than the value of the whole village. A——, for
instance, on the eastern skirt of Mount Hermon, owes him 106,000 piastres,
which were originally 42,000. He claims 5,000 purses from the B family, upon a
total debt of 242,000½ piastres,
in 1857. We have not yet passed through a single settlement where his debtors
did not complain loudly of his proceedings; and to A—— may be added C——, Q——,
and D——el X——, a stronghold of the Druzes. Some
villages have been partly depopulated by his vexations, and the injury done to
the Druzes by thus driving them from the Anti-Lebanon
to the Haurán, may presently be severely visited upon
the Ottoman authorities. The British protégé
is compelled every year, in his quality of Shubasi
(farmer of revenue), to summon the village Shaykhs
and peasantry, to imprison them, and to leave them lying in jail till he can
squeeze from them as much as possible, and to injure them by quartering Hawali, or policemen, who plunder whatever they can. He
long occupied the whole attention, though it had other and more important
duties, of the Village Commission (Kumision Mahasibat el Kura), established in A.H. 1280 (1863). For
about a year a special commission (Kumision Makhsus) had at that time—1870—been sitting on his case,
whose intricacies, complicated by his unwillingness to settle anything, wearied
out all the members. At different times he quarrelled
with every person in the Court—from the Defterdar,
who is its President, to the Consular Dragomans, who composed it. Even felony
was freely imputed to him by various persons. He was accused of bribing the
Government Khatibs (secretaries) to introduce into
documents sentences of doubtful import, upon which he can found claims for
increased and exorbitant interest, of adding lines to receipts and other
instruments after they have been signed, and of using false seals, made at home
by his own servants. One of the latter publicly denounced him, but was, as
usual, paid to keep silence. He is reported again and again to have refused, in
order that the peasants might remain upon his books, the ready moneys offered
to him for the final settlement of village liabilities. His good management had
baffled all efforts at detection, whilst every one was morally certain that the
charges were founded on fact. He corrupts, or attempts to corrupt, all those
with whom he has dealings.
Captain Burton wanted to inform them that
British protection extends to preserving their persons and property from all
injustice and violence, but that it would not assist them to recover debts from
the Ottoman Government, or from the villagers of the province, and that it
would not abet them in imprisoning or in distraining
the latter. To such general rule, of course, exceptions would be admissible, at
the discretion of the officer in charge of H.B.M.'s
Consulate; in cases, for instance, when just and honest claims might be
rejected, or their payment unduly delayed. The sole inconvenience which would
arise to such creditors from their altered position would be the necessity of
feeing the Serai more heavily; and even then they
openly communicated with the local authorities, reserving
the Consulate as a forlorn hope. The change might possibly have directed their
attention to a more legitimate commercial career. Such a measure would have
been exceedingly popular throughout the country, and would have relieved us
from the suspicion of interested motives—a suspicion which must exist where
honesty and honour, in an English understanding of
these words, are almost unknown; and from the odium which attaches to the
official instruments of oppression. Finally, the corruption of Damascus rendered Captain Burton the more jealous of the
good name of the Consulate, and the more desirous of
personal immunity from certain reports which, at different times, have been
spread about others in office. He therefore wanted to post on the door of H.M.'s Consulate, Damascus, the following notice: —
Her Britannic Majesty's
Consul hereby warns British subjects and protégés
that he will not assist them to recover debts from the Government or from the
people of Syria, unless the debts are such as between
British subjects could be recovered through H.M.'s
Consular Courts. Before purchasing the claims, public or private, of an Ottoman
subject—and especially where Government paper is in question—the protégé should, if official interference
be likely to be required, at once report the whole transaction to this
Consulate. British subjects and protected persons are hereby duly warned that
protection extends to life, liberty, and property, in cases where these are
threatened by violence or by injustice; but that it will not interfere in
speculations which, if undertaken by Syrian subjects of the Porte, could not be
expected to prove remunerative. British subjects and protected persons must not
expect the official interference of the Consulate in cases where they prefer
(as of late has often happened at Damascus) to urge their claims upon the
local authorities without referring to this Consulate, and altogether ignoring
the jurisdiction of H.B.M.'s Consul. Finally, H.B.M.'s Consul feels himself bound to protest strongly
against the system adopted by British subjects and protected persons at
Damascus, who habitually induce the Ottoman authorities to imprison peasants
and pauper debtors either for simple debt, or upon charges which have not been
previously produced for examination at this Consulate. The prisons will be
visited once a week. An official application will be made for the delivery of
all such persons.
(Signed) R. F. BURTON,
H.B.M.'s Consul, Damascus.
Damascus, June
20th, 1870.
I have already related
how, on August 26th, Captain Burton, received a letter from the Rev. W. Wright,
and likewise one from the Chief Consular Dragoman, Mr. Nasíf
Meshaka, which induced him to ride at once to
Damascus (from Bludán, the summer quarter); how he
found that half the Christians had fled, and everything was ripe for a new
massacre; how he sought the authorities, and informed them of their danger;
induced them to have night patrols, to put guards in the streets, to prevent
Jews or Christians leaving their houses, and to take all measures needful to
convince the conspirators that they would not find every one sleeping as they
did in 1860. The Wali and all the chief responsible
authorities were absent. The excitement subsided under the measures recommended
by him, and in three days all was quiet, and the Christians returned to their
homes. I affirm that, living in safety upon the sea-coast, no man can be a judge
of the other side of the Lebanon, nor, if he does not know some Eastern language,
can he be a judge of Orientals and their proceedings. Certain Jewish usurers
had been accused of exciting these massacres, because their lives were
perfectly safe, and they profited of the horrors to buy up property at a
nominal price. It was brought to Captain Burton's notice that two Jewish boys,
servants to British protected subjects, were giving the well-understood signal
by drawing crosses on the walls. Its meaning to him was clear. He promptly
investigated it, and took away the British protection of the masters
temporarily, merely reproving the boys, who had acted under orders. He did not
take upon himself to punish them. Certain ill-advised Israelitish
money-lenders fancied it was a good opportunity to overthrow him, and with him
his plan of seeing fair proceedings on the part of British protégés; so they reported to Sir Moses Montefiore and Sir Francis Goldsmid that he had tortured the boys. His proceedings
were once more proved just. The correspondence on the subject was marvellously interesting, but being official I cannot use
it.
The Jews from all times held a certain
position in Syria, on account of their being the financiers of the country; and
even in pre-Egyptian days Haim Farhi
was able to degrade and ruin Abdullah Pasha, of St. John d'Acre.
In the time of Ibrahim Pasha,
about forty-four years ago, when the first Consuls went there, a few were taken
under British protection, and this increased their influence. Then came the well-known history of the murder of Padre Tomaso. After this had blown over, all the richest people
of the community tried to become British protected subjects, or protégés of some foreign Consulate. In
the time of Mr. Consul (Richard) Wood (1840), they were humble enough. In the
massacre of 1860 they enriched themselves greatly, and men possessing £3000
rose suddenly to £30,000. Then they had at their backs in England Sir Moses Montefiore, Sir F. Goldsmid,
and the Rothschilds, who doubtless do not know the
true state of the Jewish usurers in this part of the world. The British Consul
became the Jews' bailiff, and when we went to Syria we found them rough riding all the land. I speak
only of the few money-lenders. When Captain Burton arrived in 1869, Shylock No.
1 came to him, and patting him patronizingly on the back told him he had 300
cases for him, relative to collecting £60,000 of debts. Captain Burton replied,
"I think, sir, you had better hire and pay a Consul for yourself alone; I
was not sent here as a bailiff, to tap the peasant on the shoulder in such
cases as yours." He then threatened Captain Burton with the British
Government. Captain Burton replied, "It is by far the best thing you can
do: I have no power to alter a plain line of duty." Shylock then tried my
influence, but I replied that I was never allowed to interfere in business
matters. Then Sir Francis Goldsmid, to our great
surprise, wrote to headquarters—a rather unusual measure—as follows:—"I
hear that the lady to whom Captain Burton is married is believed to be a
bigoted Roman Catholic, and to be likely to influence him against the
Jews." In spite of "women's rights" I was not allowed the
privilege of answering Sir Francis Goldsmid
officially; but I hope to convince him—even after four years—that he was
misinformed. Religion certainly is, and ought to be, the first and highest
sentiment of our hearts, and I consider it my highest prerogative to be a
staunch and loyal Catholic. But I also claim to be free from prejudice, and to
be untrammelled in my sentiments about other
religions. Our great Master and His apostles showed no bigotry, and it is to
them that I look for my rule of life, not to the clique I
was born in. Many amongst us old Catholics, who live amongst our own people, and
are educated men and women, go forth into the world and are quite unbiased
against other faiths; we take to our hearts friends, without inquiring into
their religion or politics. And if sometimes we sigh because they are not of
our way of thinking, it is not from any bigotry or party feeling, it is because
we love them, and we wish that we could give them some of our happiness and
security. I appeal to my enemies—if I have any—to say whether I have any
prejudice against race or creed.{F/N 1} At all events,
I have an honest admiration and respect for the Jewish religion. They were the
chosen people of God. They are more akin to us than any other faith. Jesus
Christ was a Jew, the apostles were Jews. He came not to destroy the law, but
to change the prescriptions necessary for the times. The Great Reformer was the
connecting link between us. He made Christianity, or Judaism, for the multitude,
a Syro-Arabian creed. He parted the Creation into two
great divisions—those who accepted the new school, and those
who clung to the old. We are of the former, and the Jews of the latter fold. It
would be madness to despise those who once ruled the ancient world, and who will rule again—do we not see signs of their return to power
every day? It would be more than folly not to honour
the old Tribes of the chosen people of God. In Syria only the Jews, Druzes,
and Bedawin can boast of their origin. In the world
we know, only the Jews and Catholics can boast of antiquity of religion. An
Eastern Jew cannot but be proud of his religion and his descent. As I turn over
my old Damascus journal, my heart warms to think that some of my
dearest native friends at Damascus were of the Jewish religion. I was on good terms with them all, and
received sincere hospitality from them. At Trieste, again, the enlightened and hospitable Hebrews are my best friends. It is the Jews who lead society
here, the charities, and the fashion; they are the life of the town. When I
call to mind how many Jews I know, I like, and I have exchanged hospitality
with, here and in the East, I do not know how to speak strongly enough on the
subject.
But now let us turn to the dark side of
the picture. Even those who are the proudest of their Semitic origin speak
contemptuously of their usurers. And, let me ask, do we pet and admire our own
money-lenders? Let a Damascus Jew once become a usurer, back him up with
political influence, and see what he will become. He forgets race and creed;
that touching, dignified, graceful humility changes into fawning servility, or to
brutal insolence and cruelty, where he is not afraid. He thirsts only for
money. The villainies practised by the usurers,
especially the Shylocks in Damascus, excite every right-minded person to indignation; and if I had no other
esteem for my husband, I should owe it to him for the brave manner in which he
made a stand against these wrongs at every risk. He knew that no other Consul
had ever dared—nor would ever dare—to oppose it; but he said simply, "I
must do right; I cannot sit still and see what I see, and not speak the truth;
I must protect the poor, and save the British good name, advienne que pourra,
though perhaps in so doing I shall fall myself"—and he did. He is not what is called a religious man, but he acts like
one; and if he did nothing else to win respect and admiration, that
alone should give people an insight into his character,
whilst I—like Job's wife—incessantly said, "Leave all this alone, as your
predecessor did, as your Consul-General does, and as your successor will do,
and keep your place, and look forward to a better." If the usurers had
been Catholics instead of Jews, I should like them to have lost their
"protection," to have been banished from Damascus, and excommunicated
as long as they plied their trade. More I cannot say.
One man alone had ruined and sucked dry
forty-one villages. He used to go to a distressed village and offer them money,
keep all the papers, and allow them nothing to show; adding interest and
compound interest, which the poor wretches could not understand. Then he gave
them no receipts for money received, so as to be paid over and over again. The
uneducated peasant had nothing to show against the clever Jew at the Diwán, till body and soul, wives, children, village,
flocks, and land, became his property and slaves for the sake of the small sum
originally borrowed. These men, who a few years ago were not worth much, are
now rolling in wealth. We found villages in ruins, and houses empty, because
the men were cast into jail, the children starving, and women weeping at our
feet because these things were done in the name of England—by the powerful arm of the British Consulate. My
husband once actually found an old man of ninety, who had endured all the
horrors of the Damascus jail during the whole of a biting winter, for
owing one of these men a napoleon (sixteen shillings). He set him free, and
ever after visited the prisons once a week, to see whether the British
protected subjects had immured pauper Christians and Moslems on their own
responsibility. One of the usurers told my husband to
beware, for that he knew a Royal Highness of England, and that he could have
any Consular Officer recalled at his pleasure; and my husband replied
that he and his clique could know very little of English Royalty, if they
thought that it would protect such traffic as theirs. The result of this was
that they put their heads together, and certain letters were sent to the Chief
Rabbi of London, Sir Francis Goldsmid,
and Sir Moses Montefiore. They sent telegrams and petitions, purporting to be
from "all the Jews in Damascus." We believe, however, that "all the Jews in Damascus" knew nothing whatever about the step. They
are mostly a body of respectable men—hard-working, inoffensive, and of
commercial integrity, with a fair sprinkling of pious, charitable, and innocent
people. These despatches, backed by letters from the
influential persons who received them, were duly forwarded to the
Foreign-office. The correspondence was sent in full to Captain Burton to
answer, which he did at great length, and to the satisfaction of his Chiefs,
who found that he could not have acted otherwise.
Captain Burton wrote:—"I am ready to
defend their lives, liberty, and property, but I will not assist them in
ruining villages, and in imprisoning destitute debtors upon trumped-up charges.
I would willingly deserve the praise of every section of the Jewish community
of Damascus, but in certain cases it is incompatible with my
sense of justice and my conscience." They bragged so much in the bazars about getting Captain Burton recalled, that a number
of sympathizing letters were showered upon us.{F/N 2}
To conclude, the
effect of their conduct in Damascus will fall upon their own heads, and upon their children. Do not purposely misunderstand me, O Israel! Remember, I do not speak of
you disparagingly as a Nation, or as a Faith. As such I love and
admire you; but I pick out your usurers from among you, as the goats from the
sheep. You are ancient in birth and religion; you are sometimes handsome,
always clever, and in many things you far outstrip us Christians in the race of
life. Your sins and your faults are, and have been,
equally remarkable from all time. Many of you, in Damascus especially, are as foolish and
stiff-necked as in the days of old. When the time comes, and it will come, the
trampled worm will turn. The Moslem will rise not really against the
Christian—he will only be the excuse—but against you. Your quarter will be the
one to be burnt down; your people to be exterminated, and all your innocent tribe
will suffer for the few guilty.
A Druze of the Haurán
once said to me, "I have the greatest temptation to burn down A.'s house. I should be sent to Istambul
in chains, but what of that? I should free my village and my people." I
begged of him not to think of such a crime. A sinister smile passed over his
face, and he muttered low in his beard: "No; not yet!
not yet! Not till the next time. And then not much of
the Yahúd will be left when we have done with
them." I quote this as a specimen of the ill-feeling bred over the
interior of Syria by their over-greed of gain. And I only hope that the powerful Israelitic Committees and Societies of London and Paris
will—and they can if they will—curb the cupidity of their countrymen in Syria.
* * * * *
{F/N 1} Although a
staunch Catholic, I am an ardent disciple of Mr. Disraeli—I do not mean Mr.
Disraeli as Prime Minister of England, but the author of "Tancred." I
read the book as a young girl in my father's house, and it inspired me with all
the ideas, and the yearning for a wild Oriental life, which I have since been
able to carry out. I passed two years of my early life, when emerging from the
school-room, in my father's garden, and the beautiful woods around us, alone
with "Tancred." My family were pained and anxious
about me—thought me odd; wished I would play the piano, do worsted work, write
notes, read the circulating library—in short, what is generally called
improving one's mind, and I was pained because I could not. My uncle used to
pat my head, and "hope for better things." I did not know it then, I
do now: I was working out the problem of my future life, my present mission. It
has lived in my saddle-pocket throughout my Eastern life. I almost know it by
heart, so that when I came to Bethany, to the Lebanon, and to Mukhtara—when
I found myself in a Bedawi camp, or amongst the Maronite and Druze strongholds, or in the society of Fakredeens—nothing surprised me. I felt as if I had lived
that life for years. I felt that I went to the Tomb of my Redeemer in the
proper spirit, and I found what I sought. The presence of God was actually
felt, though invisible.
Now that the author, who
possesses by descent, a knowledge that we Northerners lack (a high privilege
reserved to his Semitic blood), has risen to the highest poet in England, I
shall incur the suspicion of flattery from the vulgar; but my honest heart and
pen can afford it, and I see no reason to omit on that account what was written
three years ago, when the Conservative Government was at a discount. Rather
will I congratulate my country that, with the Eastern question staring us in
the face, we have at the helm one of the few men in England who is competent to deal with
it.
{F/N 2} I quote the
following verbatim:—
DEAR MRS. BURTON,
We desire to express to
you the great satisfaction which Captain Burton's presence as British Consul in
Damascus has given us, both in our
individual capacities and in our character of missionaries to Syria.
Since his arrival here
we have had every opportunity of judging of Captain Burton's official conduct,
and we beg to express our approval of it.
The first public act
that came under our notice was the removing of dishonest officials, and the
replacing them by honest ones. This proceeding gave unmixed pleasure to every
one to whom the credit of the English name was a matter of concern. His
subsequent conduct has restored the prestige of the English Consulate, and we
no longer hear it said that English officials, removed from the checks of
English public opinion, are as corrupt in Turkey as the Turks themselves. As
missionaries we frankly admit that we had been led to view Captain Burton's
appointment with alarm; but we now congratulate ourselves on having abstained
either directly or indirectly endeavouring to oppose
his coming.
Carefully following our
own habitual policy of asking no consular interference between the Turkish
Government and its subjects, we stand upon our right as Englishmen to preach
and teach so long as we violate no law of the land, and we claim for our converts
the liberty of conscience secured to them by treaty. In the maintenance of this
one right we have been firmly upheld by Captain Burton.
A few months ago, when
our schools were illegally and arbitrarily closed by the Turkish officials, he
came to our aid, and the injustice was at once put a stop to. His visit to the
several village schools under our charge proved to the native mind the Consul's
interest in the moral education of the country, which it is the object of those
schools to promote, and impressed upon the minds of local magistrates the
propriety of letting them alone.
Within the last few days
we had occasion to apply to Captain Burton regarding our cemetery, which had been
broken open, and it was an agreeable surprise to us
when after two days a police-officer came to assure us that the damage had been
repaired by the Pasha's orders, and search was being made for the depredator.
Above all, in view of
any possible massacre of Christians in this city—the all but inevitable
consequence of a war between Turkey and any Christian power—we regard as an
element of safety the presence among us of a firm, strong man like Captain
Burton, as representing the English interests.
When, not long ago, a
panic seized the city, and a massacre seemed imminent, Captain Burton
immediately came down from his summer quarters, and by his presence largely
contributed to restore tranquillity. All the other
important Consuls fled from Damascus, and thus increased the panic.
We earnestly hope that
Captain Burton will not suffer himself to be annoyed by the enmity he is sure
to provoke from all who wish to make the English name a cover for wrong and
injustice, or think that a British subject or protégé should be supported, whatever be the nature of his
case.—With kindest respects, we are, dear Mrs. Burton, yours very truly,
(Signed)
JAMES ORR SCOTT, M.A., Irish Presbyterian Mission.
WM. WRIGHT, B.A., Missionary of the Irish Presbyterian
Church.
P.S.—By-the-by, on one
occasion one of the most important Jews of Damascus, when conversing with me
and the Rev. John Crawford, American missionary, said that Captain Burton was
unfit for the British Consulate in Damascus; and the reason he gave was that, being
an upright man, he transacted his business by fair means instead of by foul.
Damascus, November
28th, 1870.
—————
MY DEAR MRS. BURTON,
I was calling at a
native house yesterday whore I found assembled some leading people of Damascus. The conversation turned upon
Captain Burton and the present British Consulate. One word led to another; and
I heard, to my surprise and consternation, that men famed for their various pecuniary transactions, are
boasting about everywhere "that, upon their
representations, the Consul is to be
recalled;" and all Damascus is grieved and indignant at
them. For my part I cannot, will not, believe that Her Majesty's Government
would set aside a man of Captain Burton's standing, and well-known justice and
capacity in public affairs, for the sake of these Jews, who are desolating the
villages and ruining those who have the misfortune to fall into their clutches.
He is also so thoroughly adapted for this Babel of tongues, nations, and
religions, and is so rapidly raising our English Consulate from the low
estimation in which it had fallen in the eyes of all men, to the position it
ought to and would occupy under the rule of an incorruptible, firm, and
impartial character like Captain Burton's.
At the risk of vexing
you, I must tell you what I now hoar commonly reported in the bazar, for several merchants and others have asked me if it
was true. * * * [Here follows the history.] Our
present Consul is too much a friend to the oppressed, and examines too much
everything himself
to suit their money transactions. The Consulate for an age has not been so respectable as now; and should you really go, I should
think any future Consul would shrink to do his duty, for fear of his conduct
being misrepresented at home. You must write me a line to tell me the truth, if
you may do so without indiscretion; and people are wanting
to write to the F. O. and the Times,
so provoked are they at the lies and duplicity. The day I was with you and you
refused to see Juda and the other Jew, who seemed to
dodge you about like a house cat, and looked so ill at ease and in a fright,
did you then suspect or know anything about all this?
With regard to the Arab
tribes, they, too, have an admiration for Captain Burton's dauntless character
and straightforward dealing, so different from others. You know that Shaykh Mohammed el Dhouky and Farés el Méziad openly say so in
the Desert.
I had intended to
scribble but two lines, and I have been led on till my note has become a long
letter. So, good-bye; and I truly hope all these machinations will end in the
discomfiture of their inventors.
[I also omit the
signature, but keep the original.]
Damascus, November
28th, 1870.
—————
MONSIEUR LE CONSUL,
C'est avec le plus grand plaisir nous venons
vous exprimer notre satisfaction et les sentiments
de notre amour envers votre amiable personne, ayant toujours devant les yeux les belles qualités et les grande mérites dont vous
êtes orné.
Il y a plus d'un an que nous avons
eu l'honneur de vous connaître, et nous sommes en méme de pouvoir apprécier votre bonne disposition pour le soutien
de la cause chrétienne sans distinction de religion;
et, par conséquent, nous sommes extrêmement reconnaissants au bienfait philanthropique du Gouvernement
de S. M. Britannique, qui a daigné
nous envoyer à Damas un représantant si digne et si
mérité comme vous l'êtes, Monsieur le Consul.
C'est avec regret que
nous avons appris que des gens malicieux de Damas se sont plaints contre vous pour des causes qui vous sont très-honorables.
Nous venons
vous exprimer notre indignation pour leur conduite inexplicable et méprisable en vous témoignant notre reconnaissance
pour le grand zèle et l'activité
incessante que vous déployez toujours
pour le bien et pour le repos
de tous les Chrétiens en général.
Nous espérons
que vous continuerez pour l'avenir comme pour le passé à nous
accorder les mêmes bienfaits.
C'est avec ce même espoir
que nous vous prions, Monsieur le Consul, d'agréer nos sentiments de haute considération.
(Signé) EROTEOS,
Patriarche Grec d'Antioche.
À M.
le Capitaine Burton, Consul de
S.M. Britannique à Damas.
Damas, le 15 Décembre,
1870.
—————
MONSIEUR LE CONSUL,
Nous avons entendu avec beaucoup d'inquiet que certains gens
malicieux à Damas se sont plaignés de vous pour des causes qui vous sont très-honorables.
Nous désirons
vous exprimer combien leur conduite
est méprisable
et inexcusable à nos yeux.
Nous vous avons connu maintenant
plus qu'un an; nous vous avons trouvé
toujours prêt à assister la cause chrétienne,
sans égard pour les différences
de la religion at à nous appuyer
quand nous aurions été peut-être
traités durement.
Dans les circonstances
actuelles de cette année nous aurions
beaucoup d'inquiétude s'il
y avait une chance même que vous
nous quittiez. Nous espérons que vos
bons offices seront continués pour nous dans l'avenir comme
dans le passé. Nous vous prions de vous servir de notre regard pour vous comme Consul et ami aussi publiquement
que possible.
Daignez agréer;
&c., &c.
(Signé)
L'ÉVÊQUE MACARIOS,
Le Vicaire
du Patriarcat à Damas. (L.S.)
GREGOIR JACOB,
Archev. Syrien Catholique de Damas. (L.S.)
LA VICAIRE DU PATRIARCAT Maronite
à Damas.
(L.S.)
LA VICAIRE DU PATRIARCAT Armenien Catholique
à Damas.
(L.S.)
À Monsieur R. F. Burton,
Consul de S.M. Britannique à Damas.
Damas, le 13 Décembre,
1870.