CHAPTER II.
March of the
Spaniards to besiege Mexico, December 28th.
1520. Investment of
that city, and final conquest August 16th. 1521.
ON the
day after the feast of the nativity, we set forward towards Tezcuco with our
full force, and accompanied by ten thousand of our Tlascalan allies. On the
same night we halted in a part of the
We now
observed signals made by smoke in the different places towards
trary to
the inclination of Cortes, who was not able to restrain them. We halted for
this night at a town in the
On the
next morning we again set forward on our march for Tezcuco, which was distant
about two leagues; but we had proceeded a very short distance, before one of
our patroles came to us with intelligence that ten Indians were on the road,
with signs of peace. The whole of the country also through which we marched
exhibited every sign of most perfect tranquillity. When these Indians arrived,
we found that they composed an embassy, consisting of seven chieftains, of
Tezcuco. A golden banner borne upon a long lance was carried before them, and
when they came near us the banner was lowered, and they bowed their bodies.
Addressing Cortes in the name of their lord Cocoivacin, the prince of Tezcuco,
they then requested to be received under our protection, inviting us to their
city, and presenting to us, as a token of peace, their golden banner. They
utterly denied having any part in the attacks with which we had been
threatened, and requested that no injury might be done to their city by us or
our allies. Three of these embassadors were personally known to most of us, for
they were relations of the good Montezuma, and captains of his guards. Cortes
earnestly requested the Tlascalan chiefs to prevent their people from
pillaging, and his wishes were strictly attended to, excepting only in the
article of provisions.
It
clearly appeared that this embassy was a mere pretence; nevertheless the
embassadors were allured that every protection should be afforded to the
country, but were at the same time told, that it could not
be unknown to them, how, above forty of the Spaniards and two hundred of
our allies were put to death within their territories, when we retreated from
attend
upon him; Anthonio de Villaroel married to the handsome Isabel de Ojeda, a
batchellor named Escobar captain of Tezcuco, and Pedro Sanches Farfan, a good
soldier, married to the worthy and honorable lady Maria de Estrada. Cortes then
required of him a number of Indian labourers to open the canals, in order to
bring his vessels to the lake. He also explained to him his plan of attacking
Our
captains were at this time assigned their different posts, in case of a sudden
attack upon our quarters, the reigning prince in Mexico frequently sending out
his troops upon the lake, in expectation of taking us unprepared. Some neighbouring
people, whose district is called Guatinchan, and who had been guilty of
offences in the murders of our countrymen, now petitioned for, and obtained
pardon. The work upon the canals went on most rapidly, as we never had less
than from seven to eight thousand Indians employed.
Coadlavaca,
late upon the throne of
moment,
we should have been all drowned; for the enemy had cut the banks of the canals,
and also a causeway, whereby the place was laid under water as it were
instantaneously. As it happened two of our allies only, lost their lives, but
all our powder was destroyed, and we were glad to escape with a good wetting.
We passed the night badly enough, being supperless, and very cold; but what
provoked us most was the laughter and mockings of the Indians upon the lake.
Worse than this however happened to us, for large bodies from the garrison of
Mexico, who knew of the plan, crossed the water and fell on us at day break
with such violence that it was with difficulty we could sustain their attacks.
They killed two soldiers and one of our horses, and wounded a great many. Our
allies also suffered a considerable loss on this occasion. The enemy being at
length beaten off we returned to Tezcuco, in very bad humour, having acquired
little fame or advantage by our expedition.
Two days
after our return from our last expedition, the people of three neighbouring
districts, viz Tepetezcuco, Obtumba, and another which I do not recollect, sent
to sollicit pardon for the offences they had committed, excusing themselves, by
alledging the commands of Coadlavaca. Cortes making a merit of necessity gave
them a free pardon, knowing very well that he was not in a situation to do
otherwise. The people also of that place called
Intelligence
was soon received, that large bodies of Mexican troops had fallen upon the
districts in alliance with us, the inhabitants of which being afraid to remain
at home, were flying to the woods or to our quarters for protection. Cortes
ordered out twenty cavalry and two hundred infantry, twenty three musqueteers
and crossbow-men included, and taking Alvarado and De Oli with him, proceeded
to the towns of Guatinchan, and Huaxutlan. The reports appeared to have
foundation,
but the
real cause of contention was, the crop of Indian corn on the borders of the
lake, which was now fit to reap, and from which the people of Tezcuco and the
others supplied our provisions; but the Mexicans also laid claim to it, and it
appeared that the produce of these fields went to the priests of Mexico. Cortes
told them to inform him when they thought it necessary to cut the corn, and
accordingly, at that time, a body of one hundred or upwards of our soldiers,
attended by the allies went out to cover the reapers. I was twice on that duty,
ands had one smart skirmish. The Mexicans crossed over in upwards of a thousand
canoes, and attacked us in the maize, fields, but we and, our allies, drove
them back to their boats, with the loss of one soldier of ours killed, and many
wounded. They fought like men, and left behind them, twenty dead, and we also
took five prisoners. At this time other neighbouring districts solicited our
alliance.
There
were two places, named Chalco and Talmalanco, of some consequence, as being
between our army and Tlascala. They were now possessed by the Mexican troops,
and though Cortes had several petitions for protection, he thought it necessary
above all things, immediately to dislodge these Mexicans, that such of his
allies as wished it might return home, and also in order to obtain his ship
timber from Tlascala. He therefore sent a force for this purpose under Sandoval
and De Lugo, consisting of fifteen cavalry and two hundred infantry, and he
gave these officers orders to break completely the Mexican force, whereby we
should obtain a clear communication with Villa Rica. Our allies of Chalco were
secretly informed of our intention, in order that they should be ready to
support us. Sandoval had put ten of his party in the rear as a guard, and to
protect the allies who were returning home with his detachment, and who were
loaded with plunder. The Mexicans sell upon them on their march with
considerable impression, owing to the weakness of the rear guard, of which they
killed two, and wounded the rest; and although Sandoval instantly flew to their
relief, the Mexicans contrived to reach the lake. Sandoval censured the people
in the rear for this, throwing the whole blame on them; he then put the
Tlascalans
in security, and having sent the letters with which he was intrusted to the
commandant of Villa Rica, in which Cortes ordered him to send what
reinforcements he could to Tlascala, there to wait until it should be
ascertained that the route from thence to Tezcuco was clear, he dismissed the
allies to their province, and returned to Chalco, which district he had reason
to apprehend was filled with the troops of the Mexicans.
On his
road he was attacked in a plain covered with maize and maguey, by a body of the
enemy who wounded several of his party; the cavalry drove then to a distance,
after which he pursued his route to Chalco. Having informed the principal
people of this place of his intention to march to Tezcuco on the ensuing day,
they informed him of their determination to go with him, and for the following
reason. Their lord was lately dead of the small pox. He had on his death-bed
recommended his sons to the protection of Cortes, being convinced that we were
those of whom their ancestors had prophesied, when they said that men with
beards should come to govern them; and he therefore enjoined his sons to
receive their dominions from the hands of our chief. Sandoval accordingly
marched for our head quarters, bringing with him the young lords of Chalco, who
experienced a most gracious reception from Cortes, and they presented him with
ornaments of gold amounting in value to about two hundred thousand crowns.
Cortes divided the district between them, giving Chalco and the larger part to
the elder brother, and Talmalanco, Ayocingo, and Chimalcan, with other places,
to the younger. By some Mexican prisoners Cortes sent a message to the reigning
prince in that city, couched in the most inviting and amicable terms, in order
to induce him to come to an accommodation; but Guatimotzin would not hear them,
and persisted in the most active hostility against us. Frequent complaints came
to us at this time of the incursions made by the enemy upon our allies of Guatinchan
and Huaxutlan, in the neighbourhood of the lake, upon the old cause of the
fields sown for the service of the Mexican temples; in consequence of which,
Cortes being determined to put a stop to these
inroads, and marching with a strong party for that purpose, came
up with the enemy at the distance of about two leagues from Tezcuco, and so
completely broke and defeated them, though with no very considerable loss on
their side, that they did not show themselves there again.
As it was
resolved to lose no time in the grand object of our enterprise, Sandoval
attended by twenty of the principal people of Tezcuco, marched with a
detachment of two hundred soldiers of the infantry, twenty musqueteers and
crossbow-men included, and fifteen cavalry, from Tezcuco, in order to bring the
timber to construct our ships on the lake of Mexico. Before they set out,
Cortes effected a reconciliation between the Tlascalans and the Indians of
Chalco, who had long been hostile. He gave directions to Sandoval, after he had
left the chieftains of Chalco in their own town, to proceed by a place named by
us Puebla Moresca, the inhabitants of which had robbed and put to death upwards
of forty of our soldiers, who were on their march from Vera Cruz to Mexico,
when we went to the relief of Alvarado. Sandoval had orders to inflict an
exemplary punishment on them, not that their guilt was more than that of the
people of Tezcuco, who were the leaders of the business, but because they could
be punished with less inconvenience. The place was put under military
execution. Some few of the inhabitants were made prisoners, and when Sandoval
enquired of them in what manner they had destroyed the Spaniards, they informed
him that they were fallen on by the troops of Mexico and Tezcuco, by surprize,
in a narrow pass where they could only go in single file, and that it was done
in revenge for the death of Cacamatzin. Not more than three or four of these
people lost their lives, as Sandoval had pity on them. In the temples were
found many traces of the blood of our countrymen upon the walls, their idols
were besmeared with it, and we found the skins of two of their faces with their
beards, dressed like leather, and hung upon the altars, as were also the shoes
of four horses, together with their skins very well dressed. The following
words were found written upon a piece of marble fixed in the wall of one of the
houses. “Here was taken the unfortunate Juan Juste, with many
others of
his companions.” This Juste was a gentleman who came with Narvaez, and served
in the cavalry. These sad remains filled the minds of Sandoval and his party
with rage and grief, but there was no possibility of obeying the dictates of
their feelings, for the men were all fled, and the women and children bewailed
their fate in the most affecting terms. Sandoval therefore sent them to their
husbands and fathers, whom they induced to come in and submit. In answer to the
questions put to them relative to the gold, they declared that it had all been
claimed by the Mexicans. Sandoval now continued his march to Tlascala, and when
he came near the capital of that country, he fell in with a vast body of
Indians employed in transporting the timber, and concluded by Chichimecatecle,
and our shipwright Martin Lopez. The order these people came in was as follows.
Eight thousand men carried the timber ready shaped for every part of the
thirteen vessels, eight thousand more followed as a guard with their ensigns
and arms, and a third body of two thousand, as a relief, and with provisions
for the whole. Several Spaniards joined us with this escort, and also two great
Tlascalan chiefs named Teuleticle, and Teatical. The enemy appeared only in
small bodies at a distance, but it was thought necessary to use much
precaution, considering the extent of the line of march, and the danger of a
surprise. Sandoval sent some of his troops in front, and posted others on the
flanks, while he remained at the rear guard with the Tlascalans, to whom he
assigned that post. This arrangement gave their chief, Chichimecatecle, great
offence, but when he was informed that it was there the Mexicans were most
likely to attack, his pride became pacified. In two days more the whole body
arrived at Tezcuco, in great triumph and pomp, the allies wearing their finest
habits and great plumes of feathers, with drums, horns, and trumpets, sounding.
Thus they continued marching into our quarters, without breaking a file, for
the space of full half the day, shouting out, “Castilla! Castilla! Tlascala!
Tlascala! live his Majesty the Emperor.”
Our
timber being all now laid ready at the docks, in a very short time, by the
great exertions of Lopez, the hulls were completely finish-
ed; but we were obliged to keep the strictest guard, as the Mexicans sent
three parties to endeavour to set them on fire.
The Tlascalans
were anxious to be sent on some enterprise, and Cortes indulged them by
declaring his intention to march on the ensuing day to Saltocan, a town which
had neglected our summons to a submission. For this purpose he ordered two
hundred and fifty infantry and thirty cavalry, the whole of the Tlascalans, and
a body of the warriors of Tezcuco. He appointed the captains Alvarado and De
Oli to act under him, and having left the post of Tezcuco, where it was always
necessary “to have the beard upon the shoulders,” under the care of Sandoval,
and ordered Lopez to have the vessels ready to launch within the space of
fifteen days, he set out with the above force upon his expedition. When he
approached Saltocan, he was met by large bodies of the Mexican troops, whom the
cavalry drove to the woods. The troops halted for the night in some villages,
in a country thickly inhabited. They were kept very alert, for it was known
that the enemy had a considerable force in Saltocan; and a body of Mexicans had
been sent thither in large boats, and was at this time concealed in the deep
canals of the neighbourhood.
On the
ensuing day, at the commencement of the march, our troops were assailed by the
enemy, and several were wounded, without our cavalry having it in their power
to retaliate, on account of the number of canals. The only causeway which led
to the town on the land side, they had completely inundated, and our musquetry
was of no effect against the enemy in their canoes, being so well guarded by
strong screens of timber. All this contributed to give our people a disgust to
the expedition. Some Indians of Tezcuco who had joined our army at this time
pointed out a pass to one of our soldiers; upon which, our people put
themselves into march, and under the direction of their guide crossed the
canals and waters, and at length reached the road which led to the town, Cortes
with the cavalry remaining on the other side. Our troops advanced against the
town, and made a considerable slaughter of
the
Mexicans, driving the remainder, and the natives of the place, to their boats.
They then returned to Cortes, with a considerable booty of slaves, mantles,
salt, and gold. We lost one soldier by this expedition.
On the
ensuing day Cortes marched against a large town called Culvatitlan, through a
very populous country. We found the place to which we marched totally deserted,
and here we halted for the night. On the ensuing day we proceeded to another
large town called Tenayuco, but which we named the town of the serpents, on
account of the enormous figures of these animals which we found in their
temples, and which they worshipped as gods. This place we also found deserted,
and we proceeded a league farther to that which we called the town of the
gold-smiths. This place was also deserted, and our troops marched half a league
farther, to Tacuba, our soldiers being obliged to cut their way through
considerable numbers of the natives. In this town our troops halted for the
night, and on the next day they were assailed by bodies of the enemy, who had
settled a plan to retreat by their causeways, in order to draw us into an
ambuscade. This in part succeeded; Cortes and our troops pursued them across a
bridge, and were immediately surrounded by vast numbers on land and in the
water. The ensign was thrown over the bridge, and the Mexicans were dragging
him to their canoes, yet he escaped from them with his colours in his hand. In
this attack they killed five of our soldiers, and wounded many. Cortes
perceived his imprudence, and ordered a retreat, which was effected with
regularity, our people fronting the enemy, and only giving ground inch by inch.
Juan Volante, the ensign who fell into the lake, had a jealousy with one of our
soldiers, Pedro de Ircio, about a certain woman. The latter in order to affront
him used some abusive language, which Volante did not deserve, being a very
valiant gentleman, as he had shown on that and many other occasions. Cortes halted
here for five days, and then returned to Tezcuco, the Mexicans harrassing his
march; but having been once defeated in an ambuscade which Cortes laid for
them, they desisted. When our troops arrived at head quarters, the
Tlascalans,
who had enriched themselves by plunder, were anxious to go home, which Cortes
readily gave them permission to do.
During
four days after this expedition, the Indians of several neighbouring districts
came in with presents and declarations of submission. Cortes received all in
good part, although he knew very well that they had been concerned in murders,
dismissing them with promises of protection. Other applications of a more
embarrassing nature were also made at this time, for the nations in our
alliance came with painted representations of the outrages committed on them by
the Mexicans, and requesting succour. Cortes was hardly able to grant them
assistance, from the state of our army, which, exclusive of our loss by killed
and wounded was grown very unhealthy. He however promised them his support, but
told them to rely more on their own exertions, and that they should be assisted
by the neighbouring people of our alliance. For this purpose he gave them
letters of summons to the respective districts, to assemble against the common
enemy. The different districts having assembled their forces, met the Mexicans
in the field, and had an action with them, in which they exerted themselves
with success. The
On the
twelfth day of March, one thousand five hundred and twenty one, after hearing
mass, Sandoval set out, and arrived in the district of Chalco. On the ensuing
morning he reached Talmanalco where he received information that the Mexican
force was posted at a large town called Guaztepeque. The warriors of Chalco
accompanied our troops, who halted for the night at the town of
enemy in
the broken ground, and forming the cavalry into small divisions of three in
front, directed them to charge as soon as the firing had made any impression;
those who were armed with sword and buckler he formed in a compact body as a
reserve. Advancing in this order, he shortly perceived the Mexicans in three large
battalians or columns, and sounding their warlike music. As soon as Sandoval
perceived their disposition he thought proper to give up his original plan, and
to break the enemy by a charge of cavalry. Putting himself therefore at the
head of this body of troops, he attacked them, crying out “St. Jago for us!
comrades fall on!” The main body of the Mexicans was partly broken by the
charge, but they immediately closed and fronted again. The ground was much in
their favor, so that Sandoval saw it was absolutely necessary to drive them
from this post, into the open ground in their rear. For this purpose he ordered
the musqueteers and crossbow-men to engage them in the front, and the troops
armed with sword and target to turn their flanks, and he gave directions, that
at the proper time, the cavalry should fall on the enemy by a signal. He also
now ordered our allies to come forward to the attack. Our troops at last forced
them to retreat; they fell back however no farther than to a second strong
position, nor could Sandoval with his cavalry do any considerable execution among
them. Here we lost Gonzalo Dominguez, whose horse fell with him, whereby he
died in a few days. He was much regretted, for we esteemed him to be as brave a
soldier as De Oli or Sandoval. Our army having broken the enemy again, pursued
them to the town, where they were suddenly attacked by at least fifteen
thousand fresh warriors, who attempted to surround them; but our troops falling
on both their flanks, the whole faced about and fled, endeavoring to rally
behind some works which they had constructed. They were however so closely
followed that they had not time to do so, and were driven compleatly withinside
the town. Sandoval then thought it necessary to give his soldiers some repose,
and as a considerable spoil of provisions had fallen in the way of the troops,
they began to prepare their dinners, during which time the patroles came
galloping in, crying “To arms! the enemy are coming!” There was hardly a
moments interval until they
were
prepared, and advancing against the enemy, they met them in an open space, and
had a severe skirmish, after which the enemy fell back behind their works; but
Sandoval attacked them with such impetuosity that he drove them completely
away, forcing them to evacuate the town.
In this
place was a very magnificent and extensive garden, in which Sandoval took his
quarters for the night, and certainly it was a beautiful one to behold; it
contained a number of large and handsome buildings, and such varieties that it
was truly admirable, and fit for the residence of a great prince; nor had our
soldiers time to see the whole of it, for it was above a quarter of a league in
length. I was not in this action, being very ill by the wound of a lance, which
I received in my throat at the affair of Iztapalapa, the marks of which I carry
to this day; but I saw the garden about twenty days afterwards, when I
accompanied Cortes. Not having been on this expedition for the reason I have
before assigned, as I was then almost at death’s door, I do not in my narrative
say we, and us, but they, and them; but notwithstanding that, all is true to
the letter as I have related it, for the transactions of an expedition are
immediately known in quarters, nor is there any opportunity of adding to, or
diminishing the truth, as is sometimes the case elsewhere.
Sandoval
thought it a good time to summon all the neighbouring districts to submission,
which he accordingly did, but with very little effect, those of Acapistlan,
especially, answering by a defiance. This made our allies of Chalco uneasy, as
well knowing that they and the Mexicans were only waiting until the return of
the Spaniards, in order to fall upon them. For several reasons it was necessary
therefore to humble these people, but a great difference of opinion existed on
the subject. Sandoval was adverse to any new expedition on account of the
number of his wounded, and the soldiers of Narvaez were adverse, because they
disliked risques of any kind; but our allies were for it, and Captain Luis
Marin, a wise and valiant officer, strongly supported them. As
the
distance was but two leagues Sandoval acquiesced. When he advanced, the enemy
attacked him with their missile weapons, and after wounding some of his men,
returned to their strong port in the town. Our allies did not exhibit much
alacrity in going to the attack, in which the Spaniards were obliged to shew
them the way, and dismounting some of the cavalry, and leaving the rest in the
plain to guard the rear, they advanced against the place, which they entered,
having a number wounded in the ascent, and amongst others Sandoval himself. But
if the Indians were tardy before, they made up for it now; the Spaniards not
having the trouble of putting the enemy to death, it being entirely saved them
by their allies. Indeed our countrymen thought their time employed to much
better purpose in searching for gold, or making good female prisoners, than in
cutting to pieces a parcel of poor wretches who did not any longer defend
themselves. They frequently blamed the cruelty of their allies, and saved many
Indians from them. Gomara says that the Spaniards suffered thirst here because
the water was not to be drank, on account of the quantity of blood with which
it was discoloured; the fait is, that many of the wounded Mexicans did come
from the rocks and ridges down to the water in making their escape, and it was discoloured
the length of time that it would take to say an Ave Maria, but as to our people
suffering thirst on that account, that must be untrue, for there were several
fountains of the finest water, in the town.
After
this success Sandoval returned to Tezcuco, with a number of slaves and
considerable spoils. Guatimotzin the reigning prince of
Sandoval,
thinking that he had been the cause of this misfortune; and thus, without
hearing him out, when he came to wait upon him, he commanded his instant
return. This gave Sandoval pain, thinking that he was unworthily treated by
Cortes. However he was obliged to return to Chalco. On his arrival he found the
business entirely over, for the people of that province had summoned their
allies, and repulsed the Mexicans, so that our countrymen returned with the
prisoners to head quarters. Cortes was delighted when he heard the event, but
Sandoval would not speak to him. The general made every apology, and protested
that the whole was owing to a mistake, however, it is unnecessary to say any
more upon the subject, as they shortly after became as good friends as ever.
At this
time, according to a general proclamation, the Indian slaves were brought
together in order to be marked. The reader is already acquainted with the
transactions at Tepeaca. It was if possible worse now at Tezcuco. First there
was a fifth for his Majesty, then another fifth for Cortes, and then the shares
of the captains. What was worst, most of the good female slaves had disappeared
during the night! it had been promised that they should be rated, and the
proprietor charged according to the value; but the royal officers or
commissaries valued them as they thought proper, so that the poor soldier fell
from bad to worse. The consequence of this was, that in future, to avoid losing
them, thus, the soldiers concealed their slaves or passed them as servants and
not prisoners of war, and those who were in favor with Cortes brought them to
be marked privately and paid the value to him. Those slaves who fell to the lot
of such masters as treated them ill, or had the name of doing so, immediately
deserted and were no more to be found; but the owners always remained debtors
for so much upon their value in his Majesty’s books, so that many were in debt
more than their share of prisage of gold could pay off.
At this
time arrived a ship, with arms and gunpowder, from Old Castille, in which came
Julian de Alderete treasurer for the crown; he
was from Tordesillas, as was also Orduna the elder, who, after the
conquest, brought over sive daughters whom he married very honorably. A brother
of the order of St. Francis also came; he was named Fra Pedro Malgarejo de
Urrea. He brought with him a number of bulls of our lord St. Peter, in order to
compose our consciences if we had any thing to lay to our charge on account of
the wars. The reverend father made a fortune in a few months, and returned to
Castille. Anthonio Carajaval who now lives in Mexico, though very old, Geronymo
Ruiz de la Mora, one Briones, who was about four years afterwards hanged in
Guatimala for sedition, Alonzo Diaz de la Reguera now living in Valladolid, and
many others came by this vessel. We now learned that the Bishop of Burgos had
no longer any power, his Majesty having been displeased with his conduct ever
since he knew of our eminent services. Another message arrived at this moment from
Chalco for assistance against the Mexicans, upon which Cortes gave his promise
that he would immediately march thither, although the brigantines were now
ready to launch, and the soldiers were anxious to begin the siege of
Cortes,
leaving the town of Tezcuco to the care of Sandoval, set out after mass, upon
his expedition, to clear the district of Chalco, and reconnoitre the country
adjacent to the lake, on friday the fifth of April, one thousand five hundred
and twenty one, at the head of three hundred infantry, twenty crossbow-men and
fifteen musqueteers included, and thirty cavalry, with a large body of the
auxiliaries of Tezcuco and Tlascala. The general was accompanied by the
treasurer Alderete, Fray Pedro Melgarejo, the captains Alvarado, De Oli, and
Tapia, and in this expedition I also went. The first night we halted at
Talmanalco, and on the next day reached Chalco, whither Cortes summoned all the
chiefs, and informed them of his intention immediately to attack
country,
I never had seen so many of our allies in one body. They were those of Chalco,
Guaxocingo, Tlascala, Tezcuco, and other places, and they certainly were
attracted by the hope of spoil, and a voracious appetite for human flesh, just
as the scald crows and other birds of prey follow our armies in
We here
received intelligence, that the Mexican forces and their allies of that neighbourhood,
were ready and in the field. Cortes therefore warned us to be alert, and early
the next morning after mass, as we proceeded on our march, our route being
between two ridges of rocks the summits of which were fortified and garrisoned,
the enemy endeavored by outcries and reproaches to draw us to an attack; but we
pursued our march, by a large town named Guaztepeque, which we found abandoned,
and passing through, we arrived at a plain where were some very scanty
fountains of water, and hard by was a great rock with a fortress on the summit.
We observed it to be filled with troops, who saluted us on our approach with
shouts, showers of stones, and arrows, by the first discharge of which they
wounded three of our soldiers. Cortes then ordered us to halt, and observing
that the Mexicans seemed to despise us for not attacking them, he sent a party
of cavalry to examine the rock. On their return they told the general, that no
part seemed to them so accessible as that where we then were. Cortes then
ordered us to ascend, Ensign Christoval del Corral with the colours leading us,
and Cortes with the cavalry remaining in the plain to protect the rear.
When we
began to ascend the mountain, the Indians threw down large masses of rock, and
it was dreadful to see them roll among us, and a wonder how any of us escaped,
as they bounded over us. The order was a very inconsiderate one, and very
unlike a wise captain. One soldier though he wore a helmet was killed at my
foot; he never uttered a word; his name was Martin Valenciano. As we continued
to ascend, the stones still came rolling down upon us, and two more soldiers,
one named Gaspar Sanches, nephew to the treasurer of
named
Bravo, were the next who lost their lives, and immediately after, Alonzo
Rodriguez was killed, and two more knocked down. Most of the rest received
wounds, but still we ascended. I was at that time an alive young man, and
followed close to our ensign, taking advantage of the concavities that we found
from time to time in the rock. Corral was wounded in the head, his face covered
with blood, and the colours tattered to pieces. “Oh signor Bernal Diaz del
Castillo” said he to me, “here is no advancing; remain under cover, for it is
as much as I can do to keep my hold, and preserve myself from falling.” Looking
downward I at this time perceived Pedro Barba captain of the crossbow-men, with
two soldiers, climbing up as we had done under the cover of the projections in
the face of the rock. I called to him not to advance, for that it was
impossible to climb much farther. He replied in lofty terms, that I should
desist from talking, and proceed on. I was a little piqued at this, and
exerting my utmost activity, mounted to a considerable distance higher, telling
him I should see how he would do. At this moment a shower of large rocks came
down, and crushed one of the soldiers who were with Barba to death; after
having seen which he did not stir a step. Corral called out to those below
desiring them to report to the general the impossibility of proceeding, and
that even the descent was full of danger. When Cortes was informed of this, for
he could not see us on account of the inequalities of the rocks, and understood
that most of us were wounded and many killed, a circumstance which he could the
readier believe from having had three of the cavalry killed on the plain by the
rolling down of the masses of rocks, seven also being wounded in the same
manner, he gave signals for us to descend, which we accordingly did, in a very
bloody and bruised condition, leaving eight of our party dead.
Bodies of
the Mexicans were watching us during this time, concealed in different places,
in order to fall upon us when we were engaged in the attack, for it was a
concerted plan. They now shewed themselves, and advanced against us; we
attacked them in the plain and drove them to some other ridges of rocks, and
advancing through nar-
row
passes like roads between them, we found another very strong fortress similar
to that we had just been repulsed from. We now desisted for the present, and
returned to our former position, in order to procure water, the men and horses
not having drank during the whole day. We found some springs at the foot of the
rock, but the numbers of the. enemy had drained them, and left nothing but mud.
We then proceeded to the other fortress which we had observed; there was a
distance of about a league and a half between the two. Here, in a grove of
mulberry trees we found a fountain, but very scanty of water, and under these
trees we halted for some time. At the foot of the rock whereon the fort was,
stood a small village. The people above began at our approach to shoot at us,
and appeared in much more considerable numbers than in the former place, and
their situation was such that no shot from us could take effect upon them. For
some distance from the level ground, there was an appearance of paths up the
rock, but it altogether presented extreme difficulties.
On the
ensuing day we attacked, our principal body climbing the rock very slowly and
with great fatigue, nor could we have ever ascended to the works, for they were
wounding and destroying us by rolling down mates of rock on our heads, but that
fortunately for us there was within shot of the post another rock which
commanded it, and to this all our fire arms and crossbow-men were detached; and
although they were rather too far off to have much effect, yet having killed
several of the enemy over their ramparts, it threw them off their defence, and
they offered to submit. Cortes called for five of their chiefs to descend, and
reprehending them for having been the aggressors, he told them that he would
pardon them on condition that they induced those who were in the other fortress
to give themselves up, which they undertook to do, Cortes then ordered the two
captains Juan Xaramillo and Pedro de Ircio, and the ensign, Corral, to ascend
to the fort which had been surrendered, bidding me accompany them, and he at
the same time warned us not to touch a single grain of main. This expression I
considered as implying that we should do ourselves what good we had in our
power. We
found it
to consist of an extensive plain on the summit of a perpendicular rock; the
entrance was by an aperture not much larger than twice the size of the mouth of
an oven. It was completely filled with men, women, and children, but they had
not a single drop of water, and about twenty of their warriors were killed, and
many wounded. Their property was all packed up in bales, and here was also a
considerable tribute, collected in order to be sent to Mexico. I had brought
four of my Indian servants with me, and began to load them, and also four of
the natives; upon which Captain De Ircio came and told me to lay down the packs
immediately, or he would report me to the general, asking if I had not heard
his orders not to touch a grain of maize. I replied that I had heard the orders
that the maize should not be taken, and that was the reason why I took the
packages; but he would not suffer any of it to go, and on our return reported
me to Cortes, expecting that I should receive blame; but Cortes was not so
disposed, saying on the contrary, that he was sorry I had not got the spoil,
and that the dogs should keep their property, and laugh at us, after all the
mischief which they had done. De Ircio on this wished to return thither; but
Cortes told him that the time did not then admit of it. By this, the chiefs had
arrived from the first fortress, the garrison of which agreed to submit, and we
returned, being compelled by want of water, to the town of Guaztepeque, where
was the noble garden I have before mentioned. In this garden our whole force
lodged for the night; I certainly never had teen one of such magnificence, and
Cortes and the treasurer Alderete, after they had walked through and examined
it, declared that it was admirable, and equal to any that they had ever seen in
Castille.
On the
ensuing day we marched for Cuernabaca. The Mexicans who were in that town came
out and attacked us, but we defeated and drove them to a town named Tepuztlan,
which we took by surprise, making a great booty of Indian women, and other
spoils. Cortes summoned the chiefs three or four times, to submit, and an their
refusal to come in, and in order to strike terror into others, set fire to
about one half of the houses. At this time the chiefs of a district named Yauh-
tepeque
came to wait on Cortes and make their submission. On the next day we arrived at
the large town of Cuernabaca, or Coadlavaca, in a very strong situation, on
account of a deep ravine caused by a rivulet which runs at the depth of at
least forty feet, although there is not much water, and which precluded all
access to the town except by two bridges, which the inhabitants had broken upon
our approach. Cortes however being informed that about half a league higher up
was a passage practicable for the cavalry, went thither with them, and we all
searched for passes, and at length discovered a very dangerous one, over some
trees which hung across from the two opposite sides of the ravine. About thirty
of us, and many Tlascalans, made our way over, by the help of those trees, with
great difficulty, three fell into the water, and one broke his leg. It was
indeed a truly frightful attempt; I for a time entirely lost my sight, from the
depth and danger. We who got over, falling on the flank and rear of the enemy
unexpectedly, and being just then joined by part of our cavalry who had crossed
a bridge which was not entirely destroyed, now drove the enemy from this post,
to the neighbouring woods and rocks. In the town we found considerable
property, and here we were again lodged in a large garden, belonging to the
lord of the district. A deputation of twenty of the principal Indians waited on
Cortes, apologizing for the hostilities committed, the blame of which they
threw on the Mexicans, offering to submit themselves and observing, as I
recollect, that their gods had been permitted by ours to punish them.
Suchimileco,
the object of our march, is a large city on the fresh water lake, in which most
of the houses are built. As it was late when we set out from Coadlavaca, and
the weather excessively sultry, our troops suffered dreadfully from the want of
water, not a drop whereof was to be met with on our route. Our allies fainted
on the road in numbers; one of them died, and also one of our soldiers. Cortes
seeing the distresses of the army, halted under some pine trees, and sent a
party forward to seek for relief. When I saw them about to set off, my friend Christoval
de Oli being one of them, I brought three of my Indian ser-
vants
with me, and followed the party, which they observing, halted in order to make
me return, but I was resolved, and De Oli at last assented, telling me I must
expect to fight my way. About half a league in front were some villages on the
side of a ridge. The cavalry went thither and found water in the houses, and
one of my servants brought me from thence a large jar, which they use in that
country, full of water. I then determined to return, for the inhabitants of the
village had begun to take the alarm. I found Cortes just setting forward on his
march, and gave him and the captains a hearty draught each out of the jar,
which my servants carried very well concealed, for thirst considers itself
before any one. We arrived at the villages and found water, though not much;
the sun was then near setting, and our cavalry came in and reported that the
whole country was in movement against us; we therefore halted here. I was on
the night guard, and recoiled, that it was very windy and rainy. Several of our
soldiers were taken ill with inflamations in the mouth and throat, from eating
a species of thistle or artichoke, to quench their thirst.
Early the
next morning we pursued our route, and about eight o’clock arrived at Suchimileco.
I can give no idea of the number of the enemies troops which were gathered
here, they were in such vast bodies. They had broken down the bridge which was
in front, and fortified themselves with parapets and pallisades; their leaders
were armed with swords which they had taken from us in the fatal night of
Mexico, and which they had polished and made very bright. The attack laded for
half an hour at the bridge. Some of our people passed the water by swimming,
and some lost their lives in it. What was worst, several bodies fell on our flanks
and rear. When our cavalry had got on firm ground, with the loss of two more of
our soldiers killed, we drove them before us, but a reinforcement of at least
ten thousand Mexicans just then arrived, and received the charge of our
cavalry, four of whom they wounded. Here the good chesnut horse which our
Cortes rode tired under him amongst a croud of the enemy, who pulled or knocked
the general down, with the intention of taking him alive; more crouds now
gathered
gathered
about him, and were hurrying him off, but a body of our Tlascalan allies headed
by the brave Christoval de Olea came to his rescue, and remounted him, though
he was severely wounded in the head. Olea also received three desperate wounds
from the swords of the enemy.
As all the
streets of the town were full of Mexican troops, we were obliged to divide into
bodies and fight separately; but those who were nearest, knowing by the outcry
and noise that it was very serious in that part where Cortes commanded, hurried
thither, and found him with about fifteen of the cavalry in a very embarrassed
situation, among the canals and parapets. We then forced the enemy to give
ground, and brought off our Cortes and Olea. On first passing the bridge,
Cortes had ordered the cavalry in two divisions, to clear our flanks. At this
time they returned to us, every one of them wounded, and reported that the
numbers were such that their efforts were unavailing.
We were
in an enclosed court, dressing our wounds with burnt oil, and tearing cloth to
bind them, when the cavalry came in; and in a short time after, such a volley
of arrows came among us that very few escaped unhurt. We now, together with the
cavalry, sallied out among the enemy, and used our swords to such effect that
they left a considerable number behind them on the ground; our loss being, one
man and two horses killed. Having now a little breathing time, for the enemy
desisted from their attempt to storm our post, Cortes brought his troops to the
large enclosures where were the temples of the Indians, and some of our party
going to the top, which commanded Mexico and the whole lake, perceived above
two thousand canoes coming from the thy against us full of troops. A body of
ten thousand men also marched on the land side, to attack us on that night, and
another body of ten thousand was in readiness as a relief. All this we learned
from five of the chiefs whom we made prisoners. We posted strong guards at
those places where the enemy were to disembark, the cavalry were in readiness
to at upon the roads and firm ground, and constant patroles were kept
going
during the night. I and ten more soldiers were posted as a guard upon a wall of
lime and stone, which commanded one of the landing places. While we were on the
watch, we heard a noise which we knew to be occasioned by the approach of a
party of the enemy. We were prepared, and beat them off, sending one of our
soldiers to make a report to Cortes. The enemy returned in a very short time,
and attacking us again, knocked down two of our party, and then drew off to
attempt a landing at another place, which was a small gate upon a deep canal.
The night was very dark, and as these people are not accustomed to fight during
that season, it appeared that their two armies fell into confusion, and
contrary to the orders they received, formed in one body, making at least
fifteen thousand men.
I must
now speak of myself, not meaning it however in the way of boast. When our
report reached Cortes, he came to us with ten of the cavalry, and as he approached
without speaking, I challenged, “who goes there?” and getting no answer, I and
my comrade, one Gonzalo Sanchez a Portuguese of Algarve, sent three or four
shots at them. Cortes knowing our voices observed to those with him, that this
post required no visiting, for we were two of his veterans. He then remarked to
us that our station was a dangerous one, and turning about without saying any
more, he continued his rounds. I afterwards heard that one of Narvaez’s
soldiers was whipped for negligence on this night.
Our
powder being all exhausted, Cortes ordered us to prepare a good store of
arrows, which we were employed during the night in heading and feathering,
under the directions of Pedro Barba the captain of the crossbow-men. At day
break the enemy attacked us, but without much success; for we killed several of
their leaders, and took many of them prisoners, with the loss of but one
Spaniard killed. Our cavalry who had advanced, fell in with the Mexicans, and
not being strong enough to attack them, sent back for assistance; on which the
whole of our force sallied out. We charged and defeated the enemy,
and made
several prisoners, who informed us of the plan of the Mexicans to wear us out
by incessant attacks. We therefore determined to quit that place on the ensuing
day. In the interim, our troops and allies having intelligence of the wealth
which was in the town, got some of the prisoners to point out to them the
houses that contained it, the approach to which was by a causeway with small
bridges over the canals, for they stood on the fresh water lake. From these
they returned loaded with cotton cloths and other valuables, and this example
induced others to follow it. Unfortunately, while thus employed, a body of
Mexicans in canoes came upon them, and wounding many, seized four soldiers of
the company of Captain De Monjaraz, alive, and hurrying them into their
vessels, carried them to Mexico in triumph. From these men Guatimotzin the King
of Mexico was informed of the smallness of our numbers, and our great loss in
killed and wounded. After having questioned them as much as he thought proper,
he commanded their hands and feet to be cut off, and in this lamentable
condition sent them through many districts of the neighbourhood, as a sample of
what he expected to do by us all, and after having thus exhibited them through
the country they were put to death. The ensuing morning afforded opportunity
for fresh attacks upon us, as had been regularly the case for the four days
during which we staid in Suchimelco.
Previous
to our march, Cortes drew his troops to an open place a little out of the town,
where the market was held. Here he formed us, and then made a speech, wherein
he dwelt upon the dangers we had to go through in our retreat, and the great
bodies of the enemy that waited us on the road; for which reason, he strongly
insisted on the necessity of leaving all the luggage behind; but we replied
that we were men able to defend our properties, our persons, and his also; and
that it would be very paltry in us to abandon what we had acquired. When he saw
our determination, he put us in order for the march, the baggage in the center,
and the cavalry forming the advanced and rear guard; and it was protected also
by our crossbow-men, for as to our musquetry it was useless from want of
powder. The enemy attacked us upon our
retreat,
pursuing us as far as Cuyocan. There were in this, neighbourhood clusters of
towns, each of considerable magnitude, built in the water, at the distance of
two leagues from Mexico, and about a league and an half from each other. They
amounted to above ten in number. It was the inhabitants of all those who had
joined together at this time to attack us; their names were Suchimelco,
Cuyoacan, Chohuilobusco, Iztapalapa, Coadlavaca, Mesquique, and others. We
halted for two days at Cuyoacan, which we found abandoned, attending the
wounded, and making arrows for our crossbows. On the third morning we set out
upon our march for Tacuba, and were attacked as usual, but our cavalry drove
the enemy to their ditches and canals.
Cortes at
this time determined to lay an ambuscade, and accordingly set out with ten of
the cavalry and four servants. He soon fell in with a party of Mexicans who
fled before him, and imprudently pressing them too far, a large body of their
warriors started out upon him, and in their first attack wounded all the
horses, and getting two of the attendants of Cortes in their hands, carried
them to Mexico to be sacrificed, the rest having a most narrow escape. Our main
body reached the head quarters at Tacuba with the baggage in safety, and not
hearing any thing of Cortes or his party of cavalry, we suspected some
misfortune. Alvarado, De Oli, Tapia, I, and some more therefore went in search
of him, towards that part whither we saw them go, and we soon met two of his
servants, who informed us of what had happened. In a short time Cortes came up
to us; he was very sad, and weeping.
When we
arrived at our quarters at Tacuba it rained heavily, and we remained under it
for two hours in some large enclosed courts. The general, with his captains,
the treasurer, our reverend father, and many others of us, mounted to the top
of the temple which commanded all the lake, and afforded a most surprising and
pleasing spectacle, from the multitude of cities rising as it were out of the
water, and the innumerable quantity of boats employed in fishing, or rapidly
passing to and
fro. All
of us agreed in giving glory to God, for making us the instruments of rendering
such services: the reverend father also consoled Cortes, who was very sad on
account of his late loss. When we contemplated the scenes of what had happened
to us in Mexico, and which we could well trace from where we stood, it made
Cortes much more sad than before. It was on this that the romance was written
which begins,
“In Tacuba was Cortes, with many a gallant chief,
He thought upon
his losses, and bowed his head with grief.”
One of
our soldiers, the bachelor Alonzo Perez, who was afterwards fiscal near Mexico,
in order to console him, observed, that those things were the common fortune of
war, and that they could not at present compare him to Nero viewing Rome on
fire. Cortes answered that he was only sad from the reflection of the dangers
and fatigues that we should have to go through, but that he would shortly put
his hand to the business. Our captains and soldiers now consulted, whether it
would not be eligible to take a view of the causeway, but it was thought not
prudent, and we continued our march by Escapuzalco, which was abandoned, to
Tenayuca, where, in the great temple, they worshipped three serpents. From this
place, which was also abandoned, we proceeded to Guatitlan, and during the
whole days march it never ceased raining; whereby, together with the weight of
our arms, we came in, dreadfully fatigued.
The enemy
gave us some alarms in the night, during which it rained heavily, no watch
being kept by us on account of the severity of the weather, as I can testify,
my post not having been visited either by rounds or corporal. Marching through
four or five towns which were abandoned, by a road deep in mud, we arrived in
two days more at Aculman in the district of Tezcuco, where we found that a
reinforcement to our army had newly arrived from Castille. On the next day
we
proceeded to Tezcuco, and arrived fatigued, worn out, and diminished in
numbers.
A
conspiracy against the life of Cortes was at this time formed, by an adherent
of the governor of Cuba, one Anthonio de Villafana, native of Zamora or of
Toro, and some of the other soldiers of Narvaez, whose names I will not
mention. The assassination was to have been executed in the following manner. A
vessel having lately arrived from Castille, a letter was to be brought to the
general, as from his father, and as if it had come by that opportunity; which
letter was to be delivered as he sat at table with his officers and soldiers,
and when he had opened, and was in the act of reading it, the conspirators were
to fall on and assassinate him with their poinards, together with all of us who
were in his company. When every thing was arranged, the conspirators
communicated their intentions to two principal persons whom I will not name,
but who had been on the expedition with us, one of whom on the death of Cortes
they meant to have appointed captain general. The offices of alguazil major,
ensign, alcaldes, regidor, contador, treasurer, veedor, and others of this kind
were to have been filled up from among the soldiers of Narvaez, and they had
divided amongst them our properties and horses. The business was discovered two
days after our arrival at Tezcuco, by God’s mercy, who did not chuse that New
Spain should have been so lost; for if we had been put to death, all would have
fallen into confusion and faction.
It seems
a faithful soldier made the discovery to Cortes, who immediately took proper
steps to prevent the mischief from spreading, for he understood it to be
conducted by persons of quality. As soon as it was made clear to him, he gave
large rewards for the information. Ile then communicated it to all our
captains, namely, alvarado, De Lugo, De Oli, Sandoval, and Tapia, also to me,
and to the two Alcaldes of that year, Luis Marin, and Pedro de Ircio; in short
to all of his party. As soon as we knew of it we prepared ourselves, and
attended Cortes to the quarters of Villafana, where we found him and many
others of
the conspirators. The four alguazils seized Villafana; the others attempted to
escape by flight, but Cortes ordered them to be detained, and sore of them he
committed to prison. Cortes then took from the bosom of Villafana a paper, with
the signatures of those who were concerned with him, in consideration for whom
however, he caused the report to be circulated, that it had been swallowed by Villafana,
without his having seen it. He was immediately put upon his trial, buy
voluntarily made a confession, according to which, and to the testimony of many
witnesses, he was condemned by his judges, the two alcaldes, conjointly with
Cortes, and De Oli who sat by virtue of his office. Shortly after his
condemnation, having confessed himself to the reverend Father Juan Diaz, he was
hanged from a window of the apartment.
Of the
several others who were arrested, no more were proceeded against; enough having
been done for example and intimidation. Cortes however to prevent such attempts
in future thought it prudent to appoint a guard for his person, composed of
valiant and faithful soldiers. They were selected from those who had been with
him from the first, and were commanded by a gentleman named Anthonio de
Quinones. Henceforward, although he showed great attention to those who had
been in the conspiracy, and treated them in the best manner, he took care to be
on his guard with them.
At this
time came out an order for all the prisoners to be brought to an appointed
place, in order to be marked. Not to take up time with repetitions of the story
I will sum up all in one observation which is, that if what was ill done the
first time, was worse done the second, this third was worst of all; for after
the royal fifth had been drawn out, Cortes took his own, and then came no less
than thirty successive drafts for the captains. Besides, those handsome and
good female prisoners which we put in to be marked were stolen out of the
crowd, and were kept concealed until it was no longer inconvenient to produce
them.
The
brigantines were now finished, and the canal brought to a sufficient width and depth
to float them to the lake. Cortes therefore issued a circular notice to all the
districts of our alliance in the neighbourhood of Tezcuco, to send him each
within the space of the next eight days, eight thousand arrow heads made of
copper; also an equal number of shafts, of a particular wood. By the expiration
of the given time the whole number was brought, executed to a degree of
perfection which exceeded the pattern. Captain P. Barba who commanded the
crossbow-men ordered each of his soldiers to provide themselves with two cords
and nuts, and to prove the range of their bows, for one of the last ships which
came from Castille had brought out a supply of the materials to make cords, and
also of powder. Cortes ordered the cavalry to have their lances well pointed,
and to use their horses to daily exercise; and he at this time sent an express
to Xicotenga the elder, other-wise Don Lorenzo de Vargas, for twenty thousand
of the warriors of his nation, and those of Guaxocingo and Cholula; and he sent
similar notices to Chalco and Talmalanco, summoning them to a general
rendezvous, on the day after the feast of the Holy Ghost, at which time Don
Hernando our ally of Tezcuco was also to join us with all his forces.
On the
day after the festival of the Holy Ghost, Cortes inspected his army in the
large quadrangles of Tezcuco. They amounted to eighty four cavalry, six hundred
and fifty infantry with sword and buckler or lances, and one hundred and ninety
four musqueteers and crossbowmen. Out of this number he took for the service of
his fleet twelve of the musqueteers or crossbow-men, and twelve of the other
infantry for rowers, under the command of a captain, to each vessel; he also
distributed twenty cannoniers through the whole fleet, which he armed with what
guns fit for this service we had in our stores.
Having
thus distributed his force, Cortes gave the following orders. First, no person
to utter any blasphemy against our Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin his
mother, the Holy Apostles, nor any other
of the
saints, under heavy penalties. Second, no soldier to ill treat our allies in
their persons or properties. Third, no soldier to absent himself from his
quarters on any pretence. Fourth, every soldier to be fully provided with arms
offensive and defensive. Fifth, no soldier to stake his horse or arms at
gaming. Sixth, no soldier to sleep out of armour, or without his weapons beside
him, except in case of wounds or sickness. Lastly, penalty of death for
sleeping on, or absence from a centinels post, absence from quarters without
leave, quitting the ranks in the field, or flight in battle.
Although
a number of our people had served as sailors before, there was a great
averseness on the present occasion among them to act as rowers. The general was
therefore obliged to make enquiry, and considering all those who belonged to,
or were natives of Palos, Moguer, Triano, El Puerto, or any other seaport, or
who had been known to have been employed in fishing, as being of the
profession, he ordered them. to the oars, and although many of these brought
their gentility as an objection, he would not hear of it, but enforced his
orders; by which he obtained one hundred and fifty, who were, as it will appear
in the sequel, better situated than any of us who had to bear the weight and
dangers of the field. The crews being embarked, each brigantine hoisted a royal
standard, and also its peculiar one. The general then appointed the captains as
follows: Garci Holguin, Pedro Barba, Juan de Limpias Carvajal the deaf, Juan Xaremillo,
Geronymo Ruiz de la Mora, Carvajal his companion who is now very old and lives
in the street of St. Francis, one Portillo, a good soldier with an handsome
wife, Zamora, master of a ship, now living in Guaxaca, Colmenero a mariner and
brave soldier, Lerma, Gines Nortes, Briones native of Salamanca, another whose
name I have forgotten, and Miguel diaz de Auz. To these he gave instructions
how they were to act, and with what officers of the land forces they were to
cooperate.
At this
time arrived the army of our allies of Tlascala under the command of the younger
Xicotenga. He brought with him his two
brothers.
In this army also came some of the warriors of
Our
general made his disposition for the attack upon the city of Mexico as follows.
Pedro de
Alvarado, with one hundred and fifty infantry, thirty cavalry, eighteen musqueteers
and crossbow-men, and eight thousand Tlascalans was to take post at Tacuba,
having to assist him Jorge de Alvarado his brother, Gutierre de Badajos, and
Andres de Monjaras, each of whom was captain of a company, consisting of fifty
infantry, and a third of the crossbow-men and musqueteers, the cavalry being
commanded by Alvarado in person. To this detachment I was appointed.
Christoval
de Oli, having under him the captains Andres de Tapia, Francisco Verdugo,
Francisco de Lugo, thirty cavalry, one hundred, and seventy five infantry,
twenty musqueteers and crossbow-men, and eight thousand Indians was to take post
at Cuyoacan, and Gonzalo de Sandoval, with captains. Luis Marin and P. de
Ircio, at the head of twenty four cavalry, one hundred and fifty infantry,
fourteen musqueteers and crossbow-men, and upwards of eight thousand Indians
was to take his post at Iztapalapa. The two first named divisions were to march
by the right, the third in the opposite direction. Sandovals
party had
also orders not to march, until Cortes who commanded the flotilla in person
should launch out upon the lake.
I must
now advert to another affair which happened at this time. The divisions of the
two captains in chief Alvarado and De Oli being prepared to set out, in order
not to be incumbered with our Indian allies on the march, we sent them off one
day before us, with orders to halt and wait for our arrival when they came upon
the Mexican territory. The Tlascalans pursuing their march, Chichimacatecle
remarked the absence of the younger Xicotenga, the commander in chief. On
enquiring it was found that he had secretly gone away on the preceding night to
Tlascala, there to seize and possess himself of the property and territory of Chichimacatecle,
thinking this a good opportunity, in the absence of that chief and of the other
warriors of his nation; and fearing no opposition since the death of Maxicatzin.
His disinclination to the expedition had also been apparent from the first.
Chichimacatecle, on discovering the design against him, immediately returned to
Tezcuco to inform Cortes, who on hearing it dispatched five of the chiefs of Tezcuco
and two of Tlascala after Xicotenga, with a message from him to request his
return. His answer was, that if Maxicatzin and his old father had believed him,
they would not be now ridden by Cortes in the manner they were, and he
absolutely refuted to return. This answer being sent back to Cortes, he commanded
an alguazil attended by four of the cavalry and five chiefs of Tezcuco, to set
out immediately, giving them orders, wherever they found Xicotenga, to seize
and hang him without ceremony. Alvarado interceded strongly for him, but
ultimately to no purpose, for although Cortes appeared to listen to him, the
party which arrested Xicotenga in a town subject to Tezcuco, there hung him
under private orders of Cortes not to let him go from them alive, and as some
say with the approbation of his father.
This
affair detained us one day, and on the next, the two detachments of Alvarado and
De Oli marched by the same route, and halted
for the
night, in a place subject to Tezcuco named Aculma. Here a disagreeable affair
had like to have taken place. It appeared that De Oli had sent forward to take
quarters, and had appropriated every house in the town to his own company,
marking them by putting green branches on the terraces, so that when Alvarado’s
detachment arrived, we had not a place to lodge in. Our soldiers immediately
stood to their arms to fight those of De Oli, and the two captains had already
challenged each other, but several of the more moderate officers interfering,
they were pacified for the present, An express was immediately sent to Cortes,
who wrote to every one of any influence amongst our detachments, condemning the
Reps which had been taken, and earnestly recommending a reconciliation. After this
Alvarado and De Oli never were friends.
We
continued our march for two days more, by Mexican cities which were abandoned,
the last of which was Guatitlan; and on the third, passing the towns of
Tenayuca and Escapuzalco where we found our allies* waiting for us, we proceeded
to Tacuba.
The enemy
gave notice by their noises that they were about us in great numbers, and our
two detachments, it was settled, should on the ensuing day go to cut the
aqueduct of Chapultepeque. At the time appointed, we set out with our allies,
and though the enemy attacked us in our march, we succeeded, destroying the
pipes, so that from that day, no more fresh water came to Mexico. It was now
determined to try our fortune against the city, and see if we could not at
least get possession of a bridge upon the causeway of Tacuba. When we arrived
there, the immense number of boats, and of their troops on the land, was a
subject of astonishment. By the first volley of their arrows they killed three
and wounded thirty of our soldiers; nevertheless we advanced to the bridge, the
enemy, as it were by stratagem, receding, and now we were upon a causeway
twenty feet wide, exposed as a butt to the arrows of those on the water on both
our flanks. Our musquetry and crossbows had no effect whatever on their canoes
they were so well protected; as to
* The whole number of whom amounted to seventy thousand.
to the
cavalry their hones were all wounded, and if they pursued the enemy a little
distance on the causeway, they were stopped by the parapets which they had
built across it, and which they defended with long lances; and when our
infantry advanced against them in front, the enemy threw themselves into the
water. Thus we were fighting them for upwards of an hour, their numbers increasing
from every part of the lake, and our allies only encumbering the causeway.
Being utterly unable to resist the enemy who were on the water we determined to
retire, which we did, leaving eight dead and having above fifty wounded, the
enemy pursuing us closely.
On the
ensuing day, Captain De Oli proceeded with his detachment for Cuyoacan; he
talked in terms of disapprobation of the preceding expedition, laying the blame
on the rashness of Alvarado. We all were solicitous that the two captains
should remain together, and certainly their separation was very imprudent, for
had the enemy known the smallness of our number, they would have fallen on and
destroyed either detachment, during the four or five days that we were
separated, and before the arrival of Cortes with the flotilla. In these two
positions our detachments remained for the above period, without venturing to
pay another visit to the Mexican causeways. During this time the enemy
frequently sent bodies of their troops to the main land, and annoyed us with
attacks in our quarters.
Sandoval
with his detachment left Tezcuco on the fourth day after the feast of Corpus
Christi, and marching through a friendly country, arrived in front of the town
of Iztapalapa. On his arrival he immediately attacked the enemy in that place,
and burned many of the houses which were built on the firm ground; but fresh
bodies of Mexicans came both by land and water to their relief, and while thus
occupied, our troops observed a smoke to rise from the top of a hill above the
town, which was answered in the same manner at other points round the lake, and
this we found to be a signal for the information of the enemy, that our
flotilla was launched; a circumstance which occasioned them to
( 286 )
relax in
their hostilities against Sandoval. He now remained unmolested in his insulated
situation, in a part of the town of Iztapalapa, between which and Cuyoacan
there were no means of communication but by a causeway which crosses the lake,
and the passage of which was impracticable in the face of the enemy.
Cortes
when he brought his flotilla upon the lake, first went to attack a rock which
forms a small island just by Mexico, and on which many of the natives as well
of that neighbourhood as of other parts had taken refuge. As soon as the enemy
discovered his intention, their whole force from every part of the lake
proceeded against him. When our general perceived the immense number of large
boats full of fighting men, for it exceeded four thousand, he drew his flotilla
into an open part of the lake, and ordered his captains to wait patiently for a
breeze of wind which was just then begining to spring up. The enemy thinking
this was owing to fear, began to close round him with great triumph, and just
at this moment the wind rising in his favor, the whole fleet set sail, plying
their oars at the same time; bearing down upon the Mexican canoes in this
manner, they sunk a number of them, and compelled the rest to take shelter in
the recesses on the sides of the lake.
After
this Cortes sailed for Cuyoacan. Here he had another attack by the Mexicans,
who assailed his vessels from the temples on the land, as well as with their
canoes; but he brought four guns to bear upon them, and did considerable
execution; although, by some mismanagement of the gunners, his powder magazine
blew up, wounding many of his people. This misfortune obliged him to detach his
lightest vessel to Sandoval for a supply. At Cuyoacan he remained with the
flotilla for two days, and here I will leave him to relate what passed in the
detachment of Alvarado. When we perceived that the flotilla was upon the lake,
we marched out upon the causeway as far as the bridge, where we passed our time
in a repetition of engagements with the enemy, but to little effect, farther
than repairing the passes in our rear as
( 287 )
we
advanced, nor did we now suffer the cavalry to come to the causeway.
Sandoval
had found that in his preterit position he could not sufficiently annoy the
enemy, who were established in the houses built in the water; he therefore
advanced by a causeway to a place which commanded them better. This being
perceived from Mexico, a large detachment was sent in canoes, with directions
to cut the causeway behind our troops. Cortes observing this set sail with his vessels
for their relief, ordering De Oli to go thither with a body of troops by the
causeway. Having relieved Sandoval, the general ordered this detachment to a
place named Tepeaquilla, where is now built the church of Nuestra Senora de
Guadelupe, in which many wonderful miracles have been, and are, performed.
As it was
impossible for our troops to advance upon the, causeways without their flanks
being secured on the water, the flotilla was formed into three divisions, and
one of them attached to each of the three corps of our army; that is to say,
four ships to Alvarado, six to De Oli, and two to Sandoval, making in all
twelve, for the thirteenth, named “Busca Ruido, or follow the noise,” being
found to be too small, was ordered to be laid up, and her crew divided among
the rest, as we had twenty very badly wounded already on board the drips.
Alvarado now ordered us out upon the causeway, and placing two of the ships on
each side, he thereby protected the flanks. We drove the enemy from several
bridges and barricades, but after fighting during the whole day, we were
obliged at night to retreat to. our quarters, almost every man of us wounded by
the showers of arrows and stones, which exceeded imagination; for we were
attacked constantly by fresh troops bearing different devices, by land, while
from the terraces of the houses, the enemy commanded our ships. As we could not
leave a party to secure what we got in the day, at night the enemy repossessed
themselves of the bridges, and put better defences on them. They deepened the
water in force places, and in the shallow part they dug pits, and placed
canoes
( 288 )
in
ambuscade, which they secured from the attacks of our vessels by pallisades
under the water. This was the manner in which they opposed us every day. The
cavalry as I before observed could do nothing; the enemy had built parapets
across the causeways which they defended with long lances, and even had an
attack been practicable, the soldiers would not risk their horses, which at
this time cost eight hundred crowns, and some more than one thousand; nor
indeed were they to be had at any price.
When we
arrived at night, we were employed in curing our wounds, and a soldier named
Juan Catalan also healed them by charms, and prayers, which, with the mercy of
our Lord Jesus, recovered us very fast. But wounded or not, we were obliged to
go against the enemy every day, as otherwise our companies would not have been
twenty men strong. When our allies saw that the before mentioned soldier cured
us by charms and prayers, all their wounded came to him, so that he had more
business on his hands than he knew what to do with. Every day our ensign was
disabled, not having it in his power to carry the colours, and defend himself.
Corn we had sufficiency of, but we wanted refreshments for the wounded. What
preserved us was the plant called “quilites,” cherries while in season, and
“tunas” or Indian figs. The situation of our other parties round the lake was
similar to what I have here described.
The enemy
in the city ruffled out on the signal being made from the top of the great temple
of Taltelulco; and these attacks were made every day, and repeated by fresh
troops, who were formed and marched out in succession. Finding that we gained
so little and lost so much, we resolved to change our plan of operations. There
was on our causeway a small open place, where were some buildings for religious
worship; here we established a post, and lodged ourselves, though very badly,
as every shower of rain came in upon us, leaving our cavalry and Indian allies
to secure our rear in Tacuba, from which place we were supplied with bread.
From this time, as we advanced, we filled the water cuts
( 289 )
which
intersected the causeway, and prostrated the houses which were on each side of
it; for it was exceeding difficult to let them on fire, nor could the flames
communicate from one to another, on account of the water which was between
them, and if we threw ourselves into the water to swim to a house, the enemy
destroyed us from their terrasses. We guarded every pass day and night as we
gained it, and our method of keeping guard was as follows.
The
company which was first for duty took it from sun set to
As we had
been informed, so it happened; we were attacked for several nights in
succession, from
( 290 )
herbs withall!
but, as our officers said, such is the fortune of war! with all our sufferings
nothing effectual was gained: the parapets we threw down, or the ditches we
filled up during the day, the enemy replaced in the ensuing night. What use was
our cutting off their water, or closing their causeways against them, when they
were supplied by canoes with whatever they wanted from the neighbouring towns
on the lake? In order to prevent this, it was determined that two of our
vessels should cruise during the night, to intercept them. This was found to
answer in a considerable degree, but still some escaped into the city.
The
Mexicans had the boldness at this time to form a plan for the surprise of these
vessels. For this purpose they prepared thirty of their largest piraguas, and
concealed them among reeds, sending two or three canoes along the lake, as if
conveying provisions, by way of a bait for our vessels. The Mexicans had also
fixed piles of large timber below the water, in the direction which our ships
were to be drawn in. The canoes being perceived by our people, two vessels
sallied out upon them; the others appeared to take fright, and rowed towards
the ambuscade, followed by our vessels, which as soon as they arrived near
enough, were surrounded by the thirty piraguas. By the first discharge they
wounded every officer, soldier, and rower, on board; and the vessels could not
stir on account of the piles of timber. The enemy continuing their attacks,
killed a captain named Portilla; he was a gentleman who had served in Italy.
Captain Pedro Barba also of the crossbowmen died of his wounds, and the vessels
fell into their hands. These belonged to the principal division, which Cortes
commanded; he was much exasperated, but in the course of a short time repayed
them well in their own way.
Cortes as
also our other chiefs, by his order, pursued their plan of advancing against
the city. As they gained ground, they threw down the houses, and with the
materials filled up the ditches or canals which crossed the causeways; and our
brave Tlascalan allies rendered us the greatest services, during the whole war.
The Mexicans opposed our
( 291 )
progress
by breaking a bridge in the rear of their parapets and barricades; where the
water was very deep, leaving one obvious pass as a decoy, and in other parts,
pit falls under the water; they also made parapets on both sides of the breach,
they placed palisades in the deep water where our vessels could approach, and
they had canoes manned ready to sally out upon the signal given. When they had
made these preparations they advanced against us in three bodies, one by the side
of Tacuba, the other by the ruins of the houses which had been destroyed, and
the third by the causeway, where they had made the works. Alvarado had brought
part of his cavalry to our post, since the houses were destroyed. We repulsed
the enemy on all sides, and one party of us having forced them from the work I
have mentioned, crossed the water, up to our necks, at the pass they had left
open, and followed them, until we came to a place where were large temples and
towers of idols. Here we were assailed by fresh troops from the houses and
roofs, and those whom we pursued faced about and came against us. We were
obliged to retreat, which we did with regularity, but when we came to the
water, we found that the enemy in their canoes had got possession of the pass
where we had crossed. We were therefore obliged to look for other places, but
as they came pressing on us, we were at length compelled to throw ourselves
into the lake and get over as we could. Those who were not able to swim fell
into the pits; the enemy closed in upon them, wounded most, and took five of
our soldiers alive. The vessels which came to our relief could not approach,
being embarrassed among the palisades, and here they lost two soldiers. It was
a wonder that we were not all destroyed in the pit falls; a number of the enemy
laid hands on me, but our Lord Jesus Christ gave me force to disengage my arm,
and by dint of a good sword, I got free from them, though wounded, and arrived
on the dry ground, where I fainted away, and remained senseless for a time.
This was owing to my great exertions, and loss of blood. When this mob had
their claws on me, I recommended myself to our Lord and his blessed mother, and
they heard my prayer, glorified be they for all their mercies! one of our
cavalry crossed the water with us this day; he and his horse were killed. Fortu-
( 292 )
nately,
the rest were with Alvarado in Tacuba; had they been with us they must have
been all destroyed from the tops of the buildings, for the action took place as
it were within the very city. After this success the enemy kept us constantly
employed during the day and night, by attacks upon our posts. Cortes was much
dissatisfied at hearing of our defeat, which he considered as owing to our
neglect of his directions that the cuts across the causeways should be filled
with timber and sods as we advanced.
In the
space of four days, and with the loss of six soldiers, we completely filled up
this great aperture, and here we established our advanced post, the enemy
having one opposite to us. Their method of keeping guard was this; they made a
great fire in their front, which concealed them from our view, except when they
came to renew the fire, as it was sometimes extinguished by the rains, which
were at that season frequent and heavy. They kept profound silence on guard,
nor was it ever interrupted except by their signals, which were given by a
whistle. Our shot did no execution among them, for they fortified their post by
a parapet and a new ditch. Having described the manner in which guard was kept
on each side, I will now give an account of our daily employment. In the
morning we marched against the enemy; after engaging them during the whole day
we retreated, towards evening, covered with wounds, first clearing the causeway
of our allies whole numbers embarrassed us, a circumstance the enemy were
watchful to take advantage of; after which we fell back step by step, firing at
the enemy as they advanced, and being flanked by the armed vessels, until we
reached our post. When we arrived in our quarters we sat down to our misery of
maize cakes, herbs, and tunas, curing our wounds with oil, and remaining all
night subject to constant alarms.
Cortes
and his party were employed in the same manner, and his loss in killed and
wounded was by this time become very considerable. He constantly sent out
vessels at night to scour the lake, and one night they brought in to him some
prisoners of consequence; from them he
( 293 )
learned
that the enemy had formed an ambuscade similar to their farmer one, of forty
piraguas and the fame number of canoes. Cortes then prepared six vessels, and
sent them during the night, and with muffled oars, to a place of concealment
within a quarter of a leagues distance of that of the enemy. It must be
observed that the bushes and tall reeds, and the water cuts at the edges of the
lake, favored those deceptions. Early in the morning one of our vessels was
sent as if in search of the Mexican canoes which went with provisions to the
city, the prisoners being put on board it in order to point out the place where
their flotilla was concealed. The enemy also played off the deception of loaded
canoes to draw us thither, and these canoes pretending to endeavor to escape,
rowed towards the ambuscade laid by their party; our vessel pursued them very
near it, and then brought to, as if from apprehension. The enemy’s flotilla
perceiving that she did not advance, tallied out on
her, those on board of her rowing towards that part where our ships were
concealed. When they found that the enemy were brought to that point where we
wished them to be, the crew fired two shots as a signal to our ambuscade,
immediately on which the vessels pushed out, and falling on the enemy ran down
several, and dispersed the rest, making a number of prisoners. This gave them
enough of ambuscades, nor did they from that time run across to Mexico so
openly as before.
The
people of the cities in the lake growing tired of this warfare, waited on
Cortes at this time in order to make submission, declaring that they had been
forced into hostility by the Mexicans. Cortes received them with affability,
gave them assurances of protection according to their behaviour, and at the
same time told them that he expected their assistance in the supply of boats
and provisions, and in erecting barracks for the troops. This they promised
readily, but performed very badly. Cortes had huts built for his detachment,
but the rest remained exposed to the weather, a very severe duty in itself in
that climate, where during the months of June, July, and August, it rains
continually.
( 294 )
Our
detachment persevered in filling up every ditch and canal as we proceeded with
the materials of the houses which we destroyed; and constantly gained temples,
bridges, or houses which stood separate from each other, and were accessible by
draw-bridges only. To prevent jealousy, the companies took the working and
covering parties alternately, and towards evening, when we drew off, the whole
stood to their arms, and retreated, sending our Indian allies before us. The
latter rendered us most important assistance in the working duty, both in
pulling down the houses, and filling the apertures. Sandoval during this time
was obliged to sustain constant attacks, and Cortes on his side attacked one of
the out posts of the city, where the canal which crossed the causeway was too
deep to be forded. The enemy had fortified it strongly, and defended it both by
land and water. Cortes commanded the attack in person, and with success; but at
night he was obliged to retire without filling the ditch, and with the loss of
four Spaniards killed and above thirty wounded, for the pass was commanded from
the terraces, and the pallisades made in the water prevented the approach of
the vessels.
Guatimotzin
now determined to wear us out by continual efforts. Accordingly, on the twenty
first of June, the anniversary of the day of our entry into
( 295 )
our soldiers were killed in this attack, and Alvarado was
wounded; but we ultimately beat the enemy off, and also made four of their
chiefs prisoners. I fear to tire my readers with this repetition of battles.
For ninety three days together were we employed in the siege of this great and
strong city, and every day and every night we were engaged with the enemy. Of
course they must pardon what my duty as an historian compels me to relate;
still were I to extend my narrative to include every action which took place,
it would be almost endless, and my history would resemble that of Amadis, and
the other books of chivalry.
Cortes
growing weary of delay, called a council of war, relative to a general assault
upon the city. His plan was, to march by the three causeways, and to endeavour
to gain the great square, where, uniting our whole force, we should command all
the streets leading to it. Upon this proposal there was a great difference of
opinion, for many thought our present method of proceeding by filling the
canals as we advanced, destroying the houses, and making a road with the
materials, was preferable to that recommended by Cortes, whereby, in going into
the heart of the city, we should become the besieged instead of being the
besiegers, and fall exactly into the situation in which we were when obliged to
fly from Mexico. We should also they said be involved in greater difficulties
than formerly, for the enemy would now bring their whole power by land and
water upon us, so that we should have to contend with them in the city, on the
lake, and all round it, without the possibility of retreat, which they could
preclude by cutting the causeways. When Cortes had heard the opinions of all,
and the good reasons upon which they were founded, the result was, that he gave
orders for our whole force, together with our allies, to attack the city on the
ensuing day, and to get possession of the great square.
On the
next morning therefore, having heard mass, and recommending ourselves to God,
our three detachments marched against the enemy’s pods in their front. Those
commanded by Cortes and Sando-
( 296 )
val met
with less violent opposition than that which fell to the lot of the division of
Alvarado, to which I belonged. In our attack upon the first dike, most of the
Spaniards received wounds, one was killed, and above one thousand of our allies
killed or wounded. Cortes at first bore down all before him, and having driven
the enemy from a post where the water was very deep and the causeway very
narrow, he was induced to pursue them in their retreat to the city, his Indian
allies crouding close after the Spaniards. The enemy induced him by frequent
halts and feigned attacks to continue the pursuit, and the causeway had been
narrowed, to answer their design. It was the will of our Lord that Cortes and
his captains should be so negligent as to omit filling the ditch, which they
had passed. The causeway was also in some parts covered with water, and deep in
mud. When the enemy saw our Cortes thus run into the trap which they had laid,
multitudes in canoes sallied out against him and took him on his flanks and
rear, his own vessels not being able to approach on account of the pallisadoes.
It became now necessary for the troops to retreat, which they did at first with
great regularity, but when they came to the narrow pass I have before
mentioned, the difficulty of the ground, with the fury of the attack, from a retreat
turned it into a race, our people flying before the enemy without attempting to
defend themselves. Our Cortes used every exertion to rally them but in vain; he
received a wound in the leg from the enemy on board the canoes at the pass,
where they killed six of our horses, and carried off seventy two Spaniards
alive. Six chiefs seized upon Cortes, but it was the will of God that he should
escape, for that valiant soldier Christoval de Olea, seeing his general’s
danger, flew to his assistance, as did another brave man named Lerma. Olea with
his own hand killed four of the six Mexican chiefs, gallantly losing his own
life in defence of his general, and Lerma escaped with the greatest difficulty.
Other soldiers now arrived to the assistance of our Cortes; amongst the number
was Quinones captain of his guards. They took him out of the water in their
arms, and placing him on a horse, hurried him off from the crowd of enemies,
and shortly after, his major domo named Christoval de Guzman brought one of his
own horses for him. The
( 297 )
enemy
followed up their attack with ardour, and the unfortunate Guzman being seized
by them was carried alive to Mexico. Cortes and the shattered remains of his
troops, pursued to the last, arrived with great difficulty at their quarters,
where I will leave them for the present, to relate what happened in the
division commanded by Alvarado.
After our
first attack, wherein we defeated the enemy, as we were advancing, we were met by
fresh troops in great parade, bearing plumes of feathers, and devices on their
standards. When we came near them they threw down before us five bleeding
heads, crying out to us that they were those of Cortes and his officers, and
that we should meet the same fate with our companions; they then marched up,
and fighting us foot to foot, compelled us to retreat. We as usual called to
our allies to clear the way for us, but in the present case there was no
occasion; the sight of the bloody heads had done it effectually, nor did one of
them remain on the causeway to impede our retreat. Before we arrived at our
quarters, and while the enemy were pursuing us, we heard their shrill timbals,
and the dismal sound of the great drum, from the top of the principal temple of
the god of war, which overlooked the whole city. Its mournful noise was such as
may be imagined the music of the infernal gods, and it might be heard at the
distance of almost three leagues. They were then sacrificing the hearts of ten
of our companions to their idols. Shortly after this the king of Mexico’s horn
was blown, giving notice to his captains that they were then to take their
enemies prisoners, or die in the attempt. It is impossible to describe the fury
with which they closed upon us when they heard this signal. Though all is as
perfect to my recollection as if passing before my eyes, it is utterly beyond
my power to describe; all I can say is, it was God’s will that we should escape
from their hands, and get back in safety to our post. Praised be he for his
mercies, now, and at all other times!
Our
cavalry made several charges this day, but our great support was in two guns
which raked the causeway, and were commanded by a gentleman named Pedro Moreno
de Medrano, who always bore a
( 298 )
high reputation as an officer, but whole services on this day
were most important, for the whole causeway was crouded with the enemy. We were
as yet ignorant of the sate of our other detachments. Sandoval was above half a
league distant, and Cortes still farther. The melancholy fight of the remains
of our countrymen, and the loss of one of our vessels, three of the soldiers of
which the enemy had killed, impressed our minds with despair, and we thought
this the last hour of our lives. The vessel, was afterwards recovered by that
commanded by Captain Juan Xaramillo. Captain Juan de Limpias Caravajal, who now
lives in La Puebla, a most gallant officer, had the honor of being the first
who with his vessel broke through the enemies pallisades, totally losing his
hearing, from this day, by excess of courage.
Cortes,
most of whose soldiers had been killed, and what remained alive, wounded, was
attacked in his quarters by a great body of the enemy, who threw over to him
the heads of four of our companions, alledging them to, be those of Alvarado,
Sandoval, and others, in order to impress the soldiers of Cortes and our allies
with the idea, that they had been equally successful against the other
detachments. When Cortes beheld the horrid spectacle his heart sunk within him,
but he kept up appearances, and ordering all to stand to their arms, made a
front to the enemy. He then sent Andres de Tapia with three more mounted men to
our quarters, in order to ascertain what the state of affairs was. In their way
thither they were attacked by many bodies of the enemy, whom the king of Mexico
had placed upon a plan of intercepting our communications. On their arrival
they found us engaged with the Mexican forces. They at that time concealed the
loss of Cortes, stating it at no more than five and twenty.
It is now
necessary to, advert to Sandoval, who had gone on victorious until the defeat
of Cortes; after which the enemy turned on him, and in their first attack
killed two soldiers and wounded all the rest, giving Sandoval himself three
wounds, one of which was in the head. As they had done elsewhere, they threw
before his troops six heads of
( 299 )
their
companions, recently taken off, threatening them with the like fate. Sandoval
was not to be terrified; he warned his soldiers to preserve a good countenance,
and seeing no hopes of success brought his division back to their quarters,
with many wounds it is true, but Witt the lots of only two of their number.
Sandoval then, wounded as he was, leaving the command of his post to Captain
Luis Marin, set out on horseback to have an interview with Cortes. As he went
he was assailed by the enemy, but he arrived at the general’s quarters, and
addressing him in terms of surprise and condolance, asked him how this ill
success had happened. “Son Sandoval” said Cortes, with tears in his eyes, “it
is for my sins that this misfortune has befallen me; but the fault is with the
treasurer Alderete, who was ordered by me to fill up the bad pass where the
enemy threw us into confusion.” The treasurer then exclaimed, that it was with
Cortes himself the fault lay, he having never given any such orders, but
hurrying on his men after the enemy in their feigned retreat, crying, “forward!
gentlemen forward!” Cortes was also very much blamed for not having sent his
allies out of the way early enough; however I will omit to detail any more of
the conversation which passed at this time between Cortes and the treasurer, as
it happened in the heat of anger and disappointment. Cortes was agreeably
surprised by the arrival of two of his vessels which he had given up for lost,
although he did not express himself so. Cortes desired Sandoval to go to our
quarters at Tacuba, as he apprehended that the weight of the enemy’s attack
would fall upon this post, and recommended that he should pay attention to our
affairs, as he himself was at present unable to do so. Sandoval setting out,
arrived at Tacuba about the hour of vespers. He also found us as Tapia had
done, occupied in repelling the enemy, some of whom were attacking us by the
causeway, others by that of the ruined houses. I was at this time together with
others of our soldiers up to my waist in the water defending a vessel which was
aground, and engaged with the enemy who were endeavouring to get possession of
her. Just as Sandoval arrived however, by a great effort we got the vessel
afloat, but with the loss of two of the crew killed, and every man on board
wounded. The enemy
( 300 )
now
attacked us with more violence. Sandoval received a blow on the face with a
stone, and called to us loudly to retreat; we not falling back as, fast as he
wished, he called again to us, asking if we wanted to have all the cavalry
destroyed. We then retreated until we reached our post, during the time of
which, our two guns, under the direction of Medrano, though they frequently
swept the causeway, could not prevent the enemy from following us closely.
Here we
were for a time at rest, and engaged in relating the events which had happened
at each post, when on a sudden our ears were struck by the horrific sound of
the great drum, the timbals, horns, and trumpets, in the temple of the war god.
We all directed our eyes thither, and shocking to relate! saw
our unfortunate countrymen driven by force, cuffs, and bastinades, to the place
where they were to be sacrificed, which bloody ceremony was accompanied by the
mournful sound of all the instruments of the temple. We perceived that when
they had brought the unfortunate victims to the flat summit of the body of the
temple, where were the adoratories, they put plumes upon their heads, and with
a kind of fan in the hand of each, made them dance before their accursed idols.
When they had done this, they laid them upon their backs, on the stone used for
the purpose, where they cut out their hearts, alive, and having presented them,
yet palpitating, to their gods, they drew the bodies down the steps by the
feet, where they were taken by others of their priests. Let the reader think
what were our sensations on this occasion. Oh heavenly God! said we to
ourselves, do not suffer us to be sacrificed by these wretches! do not suffer
us to die so cruel a death! and then how shocking a reflection, that we were
unable to relieve our poor friends who were thus murdered before our eyes! at
this moment the enemy assailed our post in great force, reviling us and saying
their gods had promised us all to them. Our Indian allies sunk under the
dreadful ideas they expressed, when they threw among them also some of the
mangled remains of their horrid feasts, other parts being sent round all the neighbouring
districts, as a triumphant me-
( 301 )
morial.
We still however maintained possession of our post, one half of our cavalry
being on the causeway and the other half in the town.
Our new
allies on the lake had suffered considerably by the enemy, having lost half
their canoes, but they continued firm to us, from animosity to them, or
contented themselves with being mere lookers on, and did not molest us. Cortes
in consequence of our losses. ordered a cessation of attacks, which lasted for
the space of four days, during which we did not quit our posts, having lost
near eighty men, and seven horses, in the last engagement. The enemy also
gained ground on us, and made new ditches and water cuts, but we had a very
deep and defensible one in front of our quarters. Sandoval and Tapia on their
return to the general, reported to him the valiant manner in which our soldiers
were behaving when they arrived at our post; Sandoval also mentioned me
particularly, and said those things, in my commendation, which, exclusive of
the facts being known to our whole army, would not be proper to repeat of
myself.
During
this cessation, our whole force of infantry kept guard on, the causeway at
night, flanked by the brigantines, one half of the cavalry patroling in Tacuba,
the other half on the causeway. In the morning we prepared to receive the
enemy, who every day continued sacrificing our poor companions, and when they
attacked, reviled us saying, that our flesh was too bitter to be eaten, and
truly it seems that such a miracle was wrought. For five days together the
enemy continued their assaults, being promised, as they said, our destruction,
by their gods, within the space of eight days; but their gods as it appears to
me, were perverse and treacherous to them, not permitting them to think of
peace, and thus leading them to ruin. This language however, and the last
menace in particular, had such an effect upon our allies, together with the bad
appearance of our affairs, that they almost entirely deserted us in the course
of a night. The only one who remained with Cortes, was, Suchel, otherwise Don
Carlos, brother of Fernando lord of Tezcuco. He was a man of great bravery. His
friends who staid
( 302 )
by him
amounted to about forty. With Sandoval remained the chief of Guaxocingo, with
about fifty, and in ours the brae Chichimecatecle, the two sons of our friend
D. Lorenzo de Vargas, and about eighty Tlascalans. Being questioned as to the
flight of their countrymen they said, that the gods of the Mexicans had
predicted our destruction; that they saw us all wounded, and many killed, that
their own loss was above one thousand two hundred killed, and that the younger Xicotenga
had from the first foretold that we should be all put to death) and therefore,
considering us as lost, their countrymen had quitted us. Cortes though he
thought what they said much too true, put on a chearful appearance, ridiculed
the predictions of the enemy, and assured them that all would do well. He
thereby was fortunate enough to induce the few who yet remained to stay with us
to the last. The Indian Don Carlos, a brave and wife man now represented to
Cortes the erroneous system on which he had acted, and also that which the
situation of the enemy pointed out, advising him not to suffer his troops to
fight. “Cut off” said he “their provisions and water; there are in Mexico so many
Xiquipils of warriors, how can they subsist? their provisions must at some time
be expended, the water which they get from the wells is salt, and they have no
resource but from the frequent rains; fight them by hunger and thirst, and do
not throw away your own force.” Cortes embraced D. Carlos for his advice; not
that the same had not occurred to many of us before, but we were too impatient.
Cortes
began upon his new system, by sending orders to all the detachments to remain
in their quarters for the next three days. As the enemy were so strong upon the
lake, we always sent out two vessels in company; they had now acquired the
method of breaking through the pallisadoes by the force of oars and sails, when
there was a good wind. Thus we were masters of the lake, and also of all the
houses which were at any little distance from the city. This slackened the
triumphs of the Mexicans. As our vessels broke through the enemy’s pallifadoes,
they could flank us while we carried on our work, filling
( 303 )
the
ditches in our front. This we effected at all our posts in the space of four
days, Cortes himself carrying the beams and earth.
During
each night of this period the enemy continued beating their accursed drum in
the great temple; nothing can equal the dismal impression its sound conveyed.
They were then in the execution of their infernal ceremonies; the whole place
was illuminated, and their shrieks at certain intervals pierced the air. For
ten nights together were they thus employed in putting to death our unfortunate
companions; Christoval de Guzman was the last sacrificed; he was in their hands
eighteen days; this we were informed by same of our prisoners, and for every
sacrifice, we were told that their war god renewed to them the promise of
victory. The enemy at times during the foregoing period brought our own
crossbows against us, and made the unfortunate prisoners shoot them; but our
post derived its safety from the excellent management of the two guns under P.
M. Medrano, and we still advanced, gaining every day a bridge or a parapet. Our
vessels also continually intercepted their canoes loaded with provision and
water, also those which were employed in procuring that nutritive substance
which when dry resembles cheese, and is found at the bottom of the lake. In
this manner of proceeding twelve or thirteen days had now passed, our lives,
therefore exceeded the date allowed them by the prediction of the Mexican
priests. This gave our allies courage, and in compliance with the requisition
of our steady friend Suchel, two thousand warriors from Tezcuco returned to us.
There came with them Captain Pedro Sanchez Farfan, and Anthonio de Villaroel,
afterwards married to La Ojeda, who had been left behind in Tezcuco. Many
bodies also of our Tlascalan and other allies arrived about the same time.
Cortes having summoned their chiefs, made them a speech, partly of reprimand
and partly of hopes and promises, concluding it with an admonition to them not
to put to death any of the Mexicans, as it was his wish to negociate for peace.
The heavy
rains at this season of the year were much in out favor, the enemy always
relaxing in their exertions when they came on. We
( 304 )
had now
advanced considerably into the city at each of the three attacks; we had also
reached the fountains of brackish water, which we totally destroyed, and the
cavalry could act through the whole space which we had gained, as it was our
care to make it level for them.
Our
general thought the present a good juncture to offer peace to the Mexicans; he
therefore proposed to three of his principal prisoners to go with his message
to their king, Guatimotzin, but they declined it, alledging that he would
certainly put them to death. At length however he prevailed with them to carry
his proposal, which was to this purport. That from the affection he bore to all
the family of the great Montezuma, in order also to prevent the destruction of
that great city, and the loss of lives, he was willing to treat of peace,
calling to the recollection of Guatimotzin, that his troops and people were cut
off from provisions and water, and that all those nations which had formerly
been the vassals of Mexico were now the allies of the Spaniards; with many more
strong arguments to the same purpose, which the embassadors very well
understood. Previous to their going they desired that the general would provide
them with a letter, under which authority they waited on the monarch, sobbing
and wailing bitterly, as knowing the danger which attended their business. At
first Guatimotzin and his chiefs appeared enraged, but the moderation of his
disposition prevailed, and he resolved to call a council composed of the
princes, chiefs, and priests of the city. Guatimotzin opened the business by
expressing his own inclination to come into terms, exposing the inefficacy of
their resistance, the desertion of their allies, and the distresses of the
people. The priests took the opposite opinion. They represented the conduct of
the Spaniards from the first, their treatment of his uncle the great Montezuma,
of Cacamatzin, and of various other princes as soon as they had got them in
their power; also the death of the two sons of Montezuma, which they laid to
their charge, the destruction and waste of the wealth of Mexico, and the marks
of slavery with which they had branded other nations. They reminded him of his
own martial fame and conduct, of the insidiousness of Cortes and his offers,
and the
( 305 )
promises
of victory they had obtained from their gods. Guatimotzin then expressed his
determination to fight to the last man and gave orders to spare the provisions
as much as possible, to sink wells in various places, and to endeavour to
obtain supplies by night.
Our army
remained at their posts for two days quietly, expecting the answer from Mexico.
We were then attacked at all points by great bodies of the enemy, who fell on
us like lions, closing upon and endeavouring to seize us in their hands,
whenever the horn of Guatimotzin was sounded. For seven days were we thus
engaged, watching in a body during the night, at day break going into action,
fighting during the day, and in the evening retiring to console ourselves with
our misery of maize cakes, agi or pepper, tunas, and herbs. Our offer of peace
only served for new matter for the enemy to revile us on, reproaching us as
cowards, and saying, that peace was for women and arms for men.
It has
been mentioned that the wretched remains of our countrymen were sent round to
different provinces, to summon and encourage them to come to the aid of the
Mexicans. In consequence, a force assembled from Matalzingo, Malinalco, and
other places at the distance of eight leagues from Mexico, to fall on our rear,
while the enemy from the city attacked us in front. When they had assembled as
above mentioned, they began to commit outrages upon the country between them
and us, seizing the children in order to sacrifice. Complaints of this coming
to Cortes, he detached Andres de Tapia with twenty cavalry and one hundred
infantry against the enemy. This officer executed his mission completely,
driving them back to their own country with loss.
Cortes then
sent Sandoval to assist the people of the district called by us Cuernabaca, who
were attacked in the same manner. There is much to say in respect to this
expedition; too much indeed to be able to do justice to it without going into
the details; suffice it that it was
( 306 )
more
peaceable than warlike, and of the happiest effect for us, Sandoval returning
accompanied by two chiefs of the nation he had marched against. His return was
very sudden, in order to protect our posts, which were in a most perilous way;
for this draft had dismantled them, as he had with him every man really fit for
duty, being twenty cavalry and eighty infantry. However he by his expedition
saved both our allies and us.
Cortes
now again sent an embassy to Guatimotzin, saying he had his Monarch’s orders to
save if possible that fine city; he reminded Guatimotzin of the distress of the
wretched people, and to convince him that he had no hope from his allies, he
sent the message by the two chiefs who accompanied Sandoval. The Mexican
monarch returned no answer, except ordering the ambassadors immediately to quit
the city. The enemy now increased every day the fury of their attacks; their
expressions were, “Tenitoz re de Castilla! Tenitoz Axaca?” which means, “what
says the king of Castille? what does he now?” We still continued advancing
towards the heart of the city, and observed that notwithstanding the rage with
which they assailed us, for it seemed as if they wished to meet their deaths,
there was not so much movement among them as formerly, nor did they so busily
employ themselves in opening the ditches. We also had cause for reflection of a
less pleasant nature which was, that our powder was almost reduced to nothing.
At this moment most fortunately, arrived at the port of Villa Rica, a vessel
with soldiers and ordnance stores, one of an armament fitted out by the
Licentiate Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, which had been destroyed or dispersed near
the Islands of Florida. The relief and reinforcement were immediately forwarded
to Cortes, by his lieutenant, Rangel. It was now determined by Cortes and all
the army to push for the great place or Taltelulco of the city, on account of
the principal temples and strong buildings being there. Each of our detachments
therefore advanced for the purpose. Cortes got possession of a small square at
which were some temples; in those temples were beams whereon were placed the
heads of many of our soldiers; their hair and beards had much
( 307 )
grown; I
could not have believed it had I not seen it with my own eyes in three days
after, when our party had advanced near enough to get a view of them, after
having filled two canals. I recognised the features of three of our friends,
and the tears came into my eyes at the sight. In twelve days they were all
buried by us in that which is now named the church of the martyrs.
The
detachment of Alvarado continued to advance, and after an engagement of two
hours forced the enemy from their barricades in the great square. The cavalry
now rendered good service in the open space, and the enemy were driven before
us into the temple of the war god Alvarado divided his forces into three
bodies, and while he occupied the attention of the enemy with two, he ordered
the third, commanded by Gutierre de Badajoz, to drive them from, and take
possession of the great temple. The enemy, headed by their priests, occupied
the adoratories or sanctuaries of their idols, and repulsed our troops, driving
them down the steps; which being observed by Alvarado, he then sent us to support
them, and on our arrival, having ascended to the top, we completely drove the
enemy from that post; having done which, we set fire to the images of their
false gods, and planted our standard on the summit of the temple. The view of
this signal of victory rejoiced Cortes, who would fain have joined us, but he
had it not in his power. He was then distant a quarter of a league, and had
many ditches to fill as he advanced. In four days from this time, both he and
Sandoval had worked their way to us, and the communications to the three posts
were opened through the centre of the city of Mexico. This attack upon the
temple was truly perilous; the edifice was very lofty, and the enemy numerous;
and they continued to engage us on the flat ground at the summit, from the time
that we had set fire to the idols and their adoratories, until night. The royal
palaces were now levelled to the ground, Guatimotzin and his troops having
retired to a quarter of the city more distant from the centre, and towards the
lake.
Still
they attacked us in the day, and at night pursued us to our
( 308 )
quarters,
and thus time passed over, and no proposition was made concerning peace. Our
chiefs then proposed a plan of laying ambuscades. Thirty cavalry and one
hundred infantry of the prime of our army, together with one thousand Tlascalans
were posted in concealment, in some large houses which had belonged to a
nobleman of the city. This was done during the night. Cortes with the rest of
his troops, in the morning went to attack a post at a bridge, which Guatimotzin
had ordered to be supported by a large force. Cortes after his first attack
retreated, drawing the enemy after him, by the buildings where the troops were
placed in concealment. At the proper moment he fired two shots close together
as a signal to us; we sallied out, and the enemy being enclosed between us, our
allies, and the party of Cortes which faced about, a dreadful havoc was made of
them, and from that time they no more annoyed us in our retreat. Another trap
was also laid for them by Alvarado, but not with the same success; I was not
present at it, being ordered by Cortes to do duty for that time with his party.
From our
quarters we had to march above half a league to meet the enemy; we now
therefore quitted that post altogether, and lodged ourselves in the great square
or Taltelulco. Here we were for three days without doing any thing worth
mentioning: we also abstained from destroying any more of the city, in the
hopes of peace.
Cortes at
this time sent to Guatimotzin requesting him to surrender, under the strongest
assurances of enjoying the plentitude of power and honors. He accompanied this
embassy with as handsome a present as his situation permitted, of provisions,
bread, fowls, fruit, and game. Guatimotzin as he was advised to do by those
whom he consulted, dissimulated, and seemed inclined to a pacification. He sent
four of his principal nobility, with a promise to come to an interview with
Cortes in three days. But this was all feigned; he employed the time in
fortifying his quarter of the town, and making preparations to attack us. He also
endeavoured to amuse us by a second embassy, but we were now advised of his
schemes. In fact, from what he was told by those
( 309 )
about
him, and from the example of his uncle Montezuma, he was afraid to trust
himself in our hands. But the mask was soon thrown off; we were attacked by
great bodies of the enemy, with such violence that it appeared as if all was
beginning anew. Having been rather taken by surprise, they did us at first some
mischief, killed one soldier, and two horses; but in the end we sent them back
with very little to boast of. Cortes ordered his troops now to proceed against
that part of the city where the quarters of Guatimotzin were; accordingly we
began upon our former system, and gained ground as we had before done
elsewhere. When the king perceived this, he, desired an interview with Cortes,
on the side of a large canal which was to separate them. To this Cortes readily
assented, and it was to take place on the ensuing morning. Cortes attended, but
Guatimotzin never appeared; instead of which he sent several of his principal
nobility, who said that the king, did not think proper to come, from an
apprehension that we might shoot him during the parley. Cortes then engaged by
the most solemn oaths not to do him any injury whatever, but it was of no
effect. A ridiculous farce was played here: two of the nobility who attended on
the part of Guatimotzin, took out of a sack, bread, a fowl, and cherries, which
they began to eat, in order to impress the Spaniards with an idea that they
were not in want. Cortes seeing the manner in which he was treated, sent back
an hostile message and retired; after this we were left unmolested for the
space of four or five days. During this time numbers of wretched Indians,
reduced by famine, surrounded our quarters every night. Cortes pitied their
miserable situation, and hoping that it might induce the enemy to come into
terms of accommodation, ordered the cessation of hostilities to be strictly
adhered to; but no overture of the kind was made.
There was
in the army of Cortes a soldier who boasted of having served in Italy, and of
the great battles which he had seen there. His name was Sotelo, and he was a
native of Seville. This man was eternally talking of the wonderful military
machines which he knew the art of constructing, and how he could make a stone
engine which
( 310 )
should in
two days destroy that whole quarter of the city where Guatimotzin had
retreated. He told Cortes so many fine things of this kind, that he persuaded
him into a trial of his experiments, lime, stone, and timber being brought,
according to his desire; the carpenters were also set to work, two prong cables
were made, and stones the size of a bushel were prepared. The machinery was now
all ready, the stone which was to be ejected was put in its place, and the
whole apparatus was played off* against the quarters of Guatimotzin. But
behold! instead of taking that direction, the stone flew up vertically into the
air, and returned exactly into the place from whence it had been launched.
Cortes was enraged and ashamed: he reproached the soldier, and ordered the
machinery to be taken down; but still it continued the joke of the army.
Cortes
now gave orders to Sandoval, to go with the flotilla against that part or nook
of the city whither Guatimotzin had retired, cautioning him at the same time
not to kill or injure any Mexican, unless he was attacked, nor even then to do
more than was absolutely necessary for his own defence; but to level all the
houses, and the many advanced works which the enemy had made in the lake.
Cortes ascended then into the great temple, with several of his officers and
soldiers, to observe the movements of his fleet. When Sandoval approached the
quarters of Guatimotzin, that prince, who had great apprehensions of being made
prisoner, availed himself of the preparations which he had made for his escape,
and embarking himself, his family, his courtiers, and. officers, with their most
valuable effect, on board fifty large piraguas, the whole body set off for the
main land, as did all his nobility and chiefs in various directions. Sandoval
who was at this time occupied in making his way by tearing down the houses,
received immediate notice of the flight of Guatimotzin. He instantly set out in
the pursuit, giving strict orders that no injury or insult should be offered,
but that each should keep a steady eye upon the royal vessel, and do his utmost
to get possession of it. He particularly directed however Garci Holguin, his
intimate friend, and captain of the quickest sailer of the fleet, to
* From the platform of a theatre.
( 311 )
make for
that part of the shore whither Guatimotzin was most likely to go. Accordingly
this officer followed his instructions, and falling in with the vessels, from
certain particulars in its appearance, structure, and awning, he ascertained
that which the king was on board of. He made signs to the people in it to bring
to, but without effect; he then ordered his crossbow-men and musqueteers to
present, upon which Guatimotzin called out to them not to shoot, and
approaching the vessel, acknowledged himself for what he was, declaring his
readiness to submit, and go with them to their general, but requesting that his
queen, his children, and attendants should be suffered to remain unmolested.
Holguin received him with the greatest respect, together with his queen, and
twenty of his nobility. He seated them on the poop of his ship, and provided
refreshments for them, commanding, that the piraguas which carried the kings
effects, should follow untouched.
Sandoval
at this moment made a signal for the flotilla to close up to him, and perceived
that Guatimotzin was prisoner to Holguin, who was taking him to Cortes. Upon
this he ordered his rowers to exert their utmost to bring him up to Holguin’s
vessel, and having arrived by the side of it, he demanded Guatimotzin to be
delivered to him as general of the whole force; but Holguin refused, alledging
that he had no claim whatever. A vessel which went to carry the intelligence of
the great event, brought also to Cortes who was then
on the summit of the great temple in the Taltelulco, very near the part, of the
lake where Guatimotzin was captured, an account of the dispute between his
officers. Cortes instantly dispatched Captain Luis Malin and Francisco de Lugo,
to bring the whole party together to his quarters, and thus to stop all
litigation; but he enjoined them not to omit treating Guatimotzin and his queen
with the greatest respect. During the interval, he employed himself in
arranging a state, as well as he could, with cloths and mantles. He also
prepared a table with refreshments, to receive his prisoners. As soon as they
appeared, he went forward to meet them, and embracing Guatimotzin, treated him
and all his attendants with, every mark of respect. The unfortunate monarch,
with tears in his eyes,
( 312 )
and
sinking under affliction, then addressed him in the following words. “Malintzin!
I have done that which was my duty in the defence of my kingdom and people; my
efforts have failed, and being now brought by force a prisoner in your hands,
draw that poinard from your side, and stab me to the heart.” Cortes embraced,
and used every expression to comfort him, by assurances that he held him in
high estimation for the valour and firmness he had shewn, and that he had
required a submission from him and the people at the time that they could no
longer reasonably hope for success, in order to prevent further destruction;
but that was all past, and no more to be thought of; he should continue to
reign over the people, as he had done before. Cortes then enquired after his
queen, to which Guatimotzin replied, that in consequence of the compliance of
Sandoval with his request, she and her women remained in the piraguas, until
Cortes should decide as to their fate. The general then caused them to be sent
for, and treated them in the best manlier his situation afforded. The evening
was drawing on, and it appeared likely to rain; he therefore sent the whole
royal family to Cuyoacan, under the care of Sandoval. The rest of the troops
then returned to their former quarters; we to ours of Tacuba, and Cortes,
proceeding to Cuyoacan, took the command there, fending Sandoval to resume his
station at Tepeaquilla. Thus was the siege of Mexico brought to a conclusion by
the capture of Guatimotzin and his chiefs, on the thirteenth of August, at the
hour of vespers, being the day of St. Hyppolitus, in the year of our Lord one
thousand five hundred and twenty one. Glorified be our Lord Jesus Christ, and
our lady the Holy Virgin Mary his blessed mother, amen!
In the
night after Guatimotzin was made prisoner, there was the greatest tempest of
rain, thunder, and lightening, especially about midnight, that ever was known;
but all the soldiers were as deaf as if they had been for an hour in a steeple,
with the bells ringing about their ears. This was owing to the continual noise
of the enemy for ninety three days; some preparing their troops and bringing
them on, shouting, calling, and whistling, as signals to attack us on the
causeway;
( 313 )
others in
the canoes coming to attack our vessels; some again at work upon their pallisadoes,
or opening the ditches and water cuts, and making stone parapets, or preparing
their magazines of darts and arms, and the women supplying the slingers with
their ammunition. Then front the temples and adoratories of their accursed
idols, the timbals and horns, and the mournful sound of their great drum, and
other dismal noises, were incessantly assailing our ears, so that day or night
we could hardly hear each other speak. But these dins immediately ceased on the
capture of Guatimotzin, for which reason as I have observed, we felt like so
many men just escaped from a steeple where all the bells were ringing about our
ears.
Guatimotzin
was of a noble appearance both in person and countenance; his features were
rather large, and chearful, with lively eyes. His age was about twenty three or
four years, and his complexion very fair for an Indian. His queen the niece of
Montezuma, was young, and very handsome.
In regard
to the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin, Cortez related to them the
circumstance from the Roman history, of the capture of Jugurtha, and the dispute
of Marius and Sylla, about which of them should have the honor of it, and that
this dispute was productive of most fatal civil wars; but said that he would
lay the whole affair before his Majesty, by whole arbitration it should be
decided, which of the two should have the action emblazoned in his arms. In two
years from this time the Emperor’s orders upon the subject arrived; they were
to this purpose; that Cortes should bear in his arms the seven kings,
representing Montezuma, Guatimotzin, and the princes of Tezcuco, Iztapalapa,
Cuyoacan, Tacuba, and Matalzingo.
What I am
going to mention is truth, and I swear and say amen to it. I have read of the
destruction of Jerusalem, but I cannot conceive that the mortality there
exceeded this of Mexico; for all the people from the distant provinces which
belonged to this empire had concentrated
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themselves here, where they mostly died. The streets, the squares,
the houses, and the courts of the Taltelulco were covered with dead bodies; we
could not step without treading on them; the lake and canals were filled with
them, and the stench was intolerable. For this reason, our troops immediately
after the capture of the royal family retired to their former quarters. Cortes
himself was for some time ill from the effect of it.
The
vessels were now the best situation, those on board carrying away all the
plunder, for they had access to houses in the water which were not in our
reach. They also found what the Mexicans had concealed in the reeds, and on the
borders of the lake, and intercepted that which was carried out of our reach by
water. We on land gained nothing but honor and wounds. The wealth our navy got
was much more than we could guess at; Guatimotzin and all his chiefs declaring,
when enquiry was made as to the public treasure, that it had mostly fallen into
their hands.
To return to the state of
( 315 )
of their
having preyed on each other; and certainly never existed since the creation a
people which suffered so much from hunger, thirst, and warfare.
After
having returned thanks to God, Cortes determined to celebrate his success by a
festival in Cuyoacan; a vessel had arrived at Villa Rica with a cargo of wine,
and hogs had been provided from the Island of Cuba. To this entertainment he
invited all the officers of his army, and also the soldiers of estimation, and
all things being prepared, on the day appointed, we waited on our general. When
we came to sit down to dinner there were not tables for one half of us; this
brought on great confusion among the company, and indeed for many reasons it
would have been much better let alone. The plant of Noah was the cause of many
fooleries and worse things; it made some leap over the tables who afterwards could not go out at the doors, and many
rolled down the steps. The private soldiers swore they would buy horses with
golden harness; the crossbow-men would use none but golden arrows; all were to
have their fortunes made. When the tables were taken away the soldiers danced
in their armour, with the ladies, as many of them as there were, but the
disproportion in numbers was very great. This scene was truly ridiculous. I
will not mention the names, suffice it to say a fair
field was opened for satire. Fray De Olmedo thought what he observed at the feast, and in the dances too scandalous, and complained to
Sandoval; and the latter directly told Cortes how the reverend father was
scolding and grumbling. Cortes, discreet in all his actions, then came to him
and affecting to disapprove the whole, requested that he would order a solemn
mass and thanksgiving, and preach a sermon to the
soldiers on the moral and religious duties. Fra Bartholome was highly pleased
at this, thinking it had originated spontaneously from Cortes, and not knowing
that the hint had been given him by Sandoval. Accordingly, the crucifixes and
the image of our Lady were borne in solemn procession, with drums and
standards; the litany was sung during the ceremony, Fra Bartholome preached and
administered the sacrament, and we returned thanks to God for our victory.
( 316 )
Cortes
now took leave of his allies, the Tlascalan chiefs, and also of Suchel
otherwise Don Carlos, a very brave man, as was another, a captain of some city
near the lake the name of which I forget; but he did wonders. Many others who
had rendered us most important services departed at the same time. Cortes
dismissed them all to their homes with many embraces, thanks, and compliments,
promising that he would soon make them rich, and great lords, and give them
lands and vassals, so that they took their departure in high spirits. They had however secured something more substantial than
promises, for they were well loaden with the plunder of
Now that
I am past these furious combats, through which, praised be God he was pleased
to conduct me safe, I have to mention a certain particularity relative to
myself, and it is this. When I saw the sacrifice of our seventy two countrymen,
and their hearts taken out and offered to the war god of the Mexicans, I had a
sensation of fear. Some may consider this as want of firmness; but if they
weigh it duly, they will find that it was in truth the result of too much
courage, which caused me to run into extreme and uncommon dangers; for in that
day I considered myself a most valiant soldier, and was so esteemed by all; and
was used to do that which was attempted by the boldest, and I was always under
the eye of my captain. As I have before observed, when I saw my companions
sacrificed, their hearts taken out palpitating, and their legs and arms cut off
and eaten, I feared it might one day or other be my own lot, for they had me in
their hands twice, but it was God’s will that I should escape; but I
remembered, and thought on what I had seen, and from this time I feared that
cruel death; and this I mention, because before I went into battle, I felt a
great depression and uneasiness about my heart, and then recommending myself to
God and his blessed mother our Lady, the instant I was engaged with the enemy
it left me. Still I am surprised that it came upon me when I should have felt
more valiant than ever, on account of the many battles in which I
( 317 )
had been
engaged. But I declare I never knew what fear was, until I saw the massacre of
the seventy two soldiers. Let those cavaliers who have been in desperate
battles and mortal dangers now decide what was the cause of my fears; I say
that it was excess of courage; and for this reason; that I knew the greatness
of the danger into which I was determined to go, and knowingly, and
voluntarily, encountered it. Many engagements are related in my history besides
those I was at; but if my body were of iron, I could not have been at all; and
I was much oftener wounded than whole.
I must
observe, that the Mexicans did not kill our soldiers, but wounded, and carried
them off, to sacrifice alive, to their gods.