|
D a m a s c u s 1 8 4 0
------------------------------------------------------------------
Page 1
(p. 65)
It is a historical service of our Reichsleiter Alfred Rosenberg -- and in the year
1920, when Germany found itself on the road to Soviet dictatorship, it took an unheard of
courage -- to have snatched this crime of Judah from the realm of the forgotten into the
framework of translation and publication of a French work from the year 1869.
The circumstances of the times in Germany then were unfavorable as imaginable, and only a
small circle gathered around these publications, which nevertheless had to effect all the
more enduringly those who regarded the struggle against Jewry as a matter of conscience,
even when this undertaking must have seemed hopeless.
The author of the work translated by our Reichsleiter was a Chevalier Gougenot
des Mousseaux, of the old French nobility. The title read: Le Juif, le judaïsme et
la judaïsation des peuples chrétiens, which translated is: The Jew, Jewry, and the
Judafication of the Christian People; it was first published in 1869 and it appeared in
the German language in 1920/21. The fate intended for him by the Jew -- a fate to which
more than one courageous man before then fell victim -- overtook the author of the book,
des Mousseaux: he was poisoned. "On one day he received his death sentence sent to him, on
the next day he died" (A. Rosenberg, foreword).
His work , bought up by Jews, disappeared from the book market, just as happened to all
remaining works of other authors who had thoroughly engaged themselves with the trial in the
form of published documents or accounts.
Father Thomas -- Ibrahim Amara
This ritual murder happened at Damascus in February of the year 1840, this time not to
children, but to the elderly Capuchin Father Thomas, who had come to Damascus
(66) in 1807 and had worked there for 33 years
as benefactor of the people (1), and likewise to his servant
Ibrahim Amara. The authentic material of the trial was deposited in the Foreign Ministry
at Paris. But these original documents disappeared without trace in 1870, when the Jew
and high degree Freemason Crémieux -- with whom we shall have to concern ourselves more
closely -- was Justice Minister. The works of the member of the Orient Society, Achille
Laurent, which appeared a few years after the trial and dealt with the entire process
against the Jews in Damascus by means of the court documents, likewise vanished down to
one copy, which was still located in the National Library at Paris. It dealt
with the two volumes of Achille Laurent: Relation historique des affaires de Syrie
depuis 1840 jusqu'en 1842. The second volume contained the authentic court documents!
However, the magazine L'Univers et l'union catholique had in 1843 published an
excerpt of the Arabic document materials, which was able to be preserved in a German
translation in the same year, which however then itself also became very rare.
(2)
As centuries earlier on the occasion of the great Tridentine trial, an exact picture of the
murderous act could be drawn up by means of the authentic materials. In addition, the
accused gave corresponding explanations concerning the use of the blood of their sacrificial
victims.(3)
In brief, to begin with the events which led to the investigation of the perpetrators:
On the 15th of February 1840 in the afternoon, on the day of the Jewish Purim festival,
Father Thomas made his way to the Jewish Quarter of Damascus, in order to attach a notice
regarding an auction in the house of a deceased resident, also on the door of the synagogue.
Since the elderly Father, contrary to his usual custom, remained away for several
hours, toward sunset his servant Ibrahim Amara proceeded to search
(67) for his master out of concern that an accident might
have befallen him. Both were seen for the last time by numerous witnesses in the Jewish
Quarter and since then had vanished from the face of the earth. This was all the more
striking because the Father had been resident in Damascus for a generation and also must
have been known to everyone as the vaccination doctor. [Father Thomas, as part of his service
to the people of Damascus, had instituted a program of immunizations against smallpox, etc.,
which he administered himself.] The police commissioner thereupon
undertook various house searches, which ran their course without any success.
Two days later a paper notice was displayed on the shop of the Jewish barber Soliman,
like the one the Father had also last attached to the synagogue door. This excited suspicion.
The barber was questioned about how he came into possession of this official form. His
performance seemed so unbelievable and contrived, that the interrogating personnel got the
impression that he must have known something about the matter. Since the missing Father was
a European, the Sherif-Pasha, residing in Damascus and by no means hostile-minded
toward the Jews, let the Jewish barber be held in confinement and granted full authority to
the French Consul for Damascus, Count de Ratti-Menton, to conduct the preliminary
investigation.
The barber made denials for several days; when finally full immunity from punishment and
protection from prosecution were assured for him, he proposed that the following Jews be
brought from the Jewish Quarter, in whose presence he would then lay out his confession:
the Rabbis Moses Saloniki and Moses Abu-el-Afieh, the three brothers David,
Isaak and Aaron Harari, their uncle Joseph Harari and a Joseph
Laniado.
The Jews who were brought forward at first claimed not to have seen Father Thomas for many
months; Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh did not want anything to do with the Jews who had been
summoned along with him: "That group is not mine; for six months we haven't gone around
together; and also, we weren't together this time. Father Thomas I haven't seen
for a month-and-a-half. . ." At the reproaches of the barber he took recourse in the
proverbial poor memory: "It's human to be forgetful; it might be possible, that we were
indeed together, since the barber claims to have seen us; but afterwards each will have
gone to his own house. " Aaron Harari: "I seldom go to my brothers' [homes]
(68)...we are peaceful people and of a settled way of
life, we leave the bazaar right at sunset; how would all seven of us been able to find
ourselves together in such a group!"
Since these interrogations did not advance the matter, the interrogated Jews were held
in solitary confinement in the hope of thereby getting at the crime and its motive. The
barber was again taken into interrogation and most emphatically warned to finally confess
the truth. According to the court protocols his partial confession reads literally as
follows:
"The designated seven persons brought the Father into the house of David Harari and
had me fetched from my shop a half hour after sunset. They said to me: 'Slaughter this
priest.' The Father was in the room, with both his arms tied; but since I refused,
they promised me money. I answered: 'I cannot do that.' Now they gave to me the little
paper notice and said I was supposed to stick it on my shop. It was Aaron Harari
who delivered it to me, and when I was arrested and brought to the Serail, David Harari
said to me: 'Be very careful not to confess anything; we'll give you money.' The man who
fetched me from my shop is called Murad-el-Fattal and is David Harari's servant."
The protocol further notes the words of the Consul Ratti-Menton: "Yesterday you gave
important statements and repeated them today. If it has been out of fear of a beating
that you have so spoken, then tell this openly. Don't worry; it is not our intention
that you should compromise anyone through lies."
Soliman answers: "What I have said is the truth; I've said it in their presence." It is
important for what follows to keep this point in mind, since it's precisely the Consul in
his capacity as judge of the investigation who has been exposed to the most incredible
suspicions from the Jewish parties!
The servant Murad-el-Fattal, brought before the investigation, was able to give
extraordinarily important statements; but when he was confronted with the head of the
Jewish community in Damascus, Raphael Farahi, he suddenly recanted all his
observations.(69) Taken to task over this by the Pasha
himself and questioned about the reasons for his recantation, he gave the following
meaningful explanation to the protocol: "You have questioned me in the presence of Raphael
Farahi; I was afraid and therefore recanted, and for all the more reason that he threw me
a look."
The Pasha: "What! You fear Raphael more than you do me?" The servant: " That's right.
I'm afraid that he'll kill me. I have more fear of Raphael than of your Excellency,
because your Excellency will have me whipped and then sent off, while that one will kill
me in our Quarter if I speak the truth."
Since it became ever more probable that the Jewish barber must have been present at the
slaughter, he was again taken into custody and subjected to a sharp interrogation. After
desperate evasions he finally made a comprehensive confession in the presence of some high
officers and Consulate officials and of a staff physician, who all confirmed the protocol
by signing it. Soliman reported the bestial crime in all particulars:
"A half hour after sunset David Harari had me fetched from my shop by his servant.
I went to him and found there Aaron Harari, Isaak Harari, Joseph Harari,
Joseph Laniado, the landlord David Harari, the Rabbis Moses Abu-el-Afieh
and Moses Saloniki and Father Thomas, who was tied up. David Harari
and his brother Aaron said to me: 'Slaughter this priest!' I answered: 'I cannot do
it." Then they said: 'Wait. . .' They brought up a knife, I threw the Father to the floor,
held him fast over a large basin with the help of the others, and David Harari took
the knife and made a cut at his throat; but his brother Aaron gave him the finishing
stroke and the blood was caught in the basin without even one drop being lost.
Hereupon the body was dragged out of the room in which the murder had been committed, into
the wood room. There they undressed him and burned his clothes. Now the servant
Murad-el-Fattal came, who found the corpse in the aforesaid room; the seven named
persons said to him and to me: 'Dismember him quickly!' We dismembered him, pushed
the remains (70) into a coffee sack and threw them one by
one into the drainage canal; this is found at the entrance of the Jewish Quarter, next to
the house of Rabbi Abu-el-Afieh. Then we went back to David Harari and how the
operation was completed, was, they said they would get the servant married at their
own expense and would give me money. In case I should talk, they would then say that I had
killed him. . ."
Soliman then went on to describe how the bones and the skull of the victim were crushed
on the floor with a pestle. The Jews who stood around gave instructions at the dismemberment
of the body. "We had only one knife; first I'd cut, then the servant. When the one became
tired, the other one relieved him. The knife was like those of the Jewish schächter
-- it was the same, which had served for the murder." [As many readers will know, reference
is being made here to shochets -- the Hebrew term for the ritual slaughterers who
butcher animals according to kashrut, the elaborate Jewish dietary laws which are
also related to the rituals for sacrificing a victim in religious rites. The German
term for ritual-slaughterer is: der Schächter, while the term for a regular Gentile
butcher is: der Schlächter.]
After this interrogation the Jewish servant was brought forward. His statements conformed
in all details to those of the barber. "After the departure of the barber I remained for
perhaps one and a half hours yet; I had to fill the water pipes of those present." A
Gentile had been lured into the trap and slaughtered -- now they could smoke their pipe in
peace.
In consideration of the conformity of both witness statements, Colonel Hasez Beik
proposed a site inspection in the house of David Harari immediately be carried out
in the presence of the French Consul, of a high officer of the Consulate, and of the
physician Dr. Massar.
In the unfinished room in which the body was dismembered, blood spatters were discovered
on the wall; in the places where the bones had been crushed, the floor was severely
gouged. In addition, the pestle-mallet was already found, the slaughter-knife, however,
remained missing. . .
After this the canal was searched more closely. Workers were summoned who had to climb
down below, and they brought up: broken pieces from bones, remains of flesh, a section
of the heart, debris from the skull and pieces from the the Father's cowl. All of this
was carefully assembled and sent over for inspection by the Pasha and physicians. An
application of the French Consul was furnished with the following document files: 1.
Declaration of the Austrian Consul, Merlato, that he (71)
immediately recognized the black cloth cowl of the Father, because he had been the
only one who wore such a thing. 2. Declaration of the four European physicians
Massari, Delgrasso, Raynaldi and Salina, that they had
recognized the remains as those of a human body. 3. The same declaration by seven native
(Syrian) physicians. 4. Statement of the barber who used to serve Father Thomas.
Since the fact that that the mutilated remains of the Father had been found could no longer
be subject to any doubt, the seven accused were brought forward and were again questioned
about the occurrence of the horrible crime, without there having been any kind of threats
whatsoever. After they had been made aware of the grave circumstances which had to put
the facts of the crime and its authorship beyond doubt, and the accused made no attempt to
deny these things, the arrested Jews gave their statements to the protocol, after having
been separately questioned.
We learn informative details in more than one respect. Isaak Harari says: "We had
the Father come into the house of David Harari, my brother; it was a matter
arranged among us. We slaughtered him, in order to obtain his blood, which was
poured into a bottle and given over to the Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh, and specifically
for a religious reason, since we were in need of the blood for the fulfillment of a
religious duty."
The Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh, when questioned about this, replied: "The chief Rabbi of
Damascus, Jakob Antabli, had a discussion with the Harari brothers and the
rest of the accused, in order to get a bottle of human blood, and let me in on this. The
Hararis promised to supply such an item and it was supposed to cost 100 purses
(12,500 French Francs)! When I went to David Harari, it was reported to me that a man had
been procured for slaughtering and to take his blood. I stepped in, the murder was
completed; the blood was taken and they said to me: ' you are a sensible man, take
this blood and hand it over to the Rabbi Jakob Antabli.' I answered: 'Let Moses
Saloniki take it.' They replied: 'It's better that you yourself take it, you are a
(72) sensible man.' The murder was committed at David
Harari's."
Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh gave in conclusion to this the important statement to the protocol,
that a portion of the blood, mixed into meal, was sent to Baghdad.
(4)
David Harari now describes the Head Rabbi Antabli as the spiritual author of the
crime: In the synagogue of Damascus he communicated to all seven accused the
exact plan for the murder of the Father shortly beforehand. The blood was handed
over through Rabbi Saloniki to the Rabbi Moses in a large white bottle, a so-called alepin,
and by the latter handed on to the Head Rabbi Jakob Antabli.
Isaak Harari developed the story of the infamous attack upon the Father as follows:
"In order to get the Father, Moses Abu-el-Afieh and Moses Saloniki made use
of the pretext of letting him vaccinate a child; the matter had been arranged in
the house of Moses Abu-el-Afieh. Afterwards, we invited him together into the
house of my brother David and slaughtered him there."
The Father accepted the invitation all the more unsuspiciously, for he had had a close
social relationship with the Harari brothers for many years. At the disrobing of
the corpse, Moses Saloniki helped himself to the gold timepiece of the Father;
during the interrogation in front of the Pasha regarding this, the following scene played
itself out: the Harari brothers, when asked what had become of the valuable
timepiece, replied: "It has remained in the possession of Moses Saloniki ."
Question: "How did it come into his possession?" Answer: "He stretched out his hand for it
and took it." Question: "When did he do that?" Answer: "After the Father was undressed,
he extended his hand and took it from out of the clothes." The Rabbi was brought before the
interrogator: "Where is the watch?" -- "I have not seen it!" The Pasha interposed:
"Here are the Hararis, who testify that you have taken the watch!" The Rabbi: "They
are lying!" The Pasha: "They swear against you by their religion." The Rabbi answers:
(73) "They stand outside the religion!"
(5) The Pasha, for confirmation, lets the Hararis swear upon the
Bible and upon Moses, and both take an oath that the watch has remained in the possession of
the Rabbi. The latter shouts: "Witnesses, do not bully me!"
Moses Saloniki was the single one who, of all the rest, confessed nothing. His
constantly repeated answers were: "I have seen nothing, nothing whatsoever, I was at
home, I know nothing."
His colleague Abu-el-Afieh basically behaved more shrewdly; he knew that,
however the trial might turn out for him, his life would be forfeit in one way or another,
because, were he not beheaded by the sentence of the court, then his co-religionists would
hunt him to death. On the other hand, he had by no means been badly treated by the Islamic
authorities, as his European colleagues, on the basis of "eye-witness reports" of certain
"Christian" missionaries, later would have it; indeed, he even got kosher meals set before
him in his cell and was able to undertake a walk for his digestion in the gardens and --
what's more to the point, to exchange the synagogue for the mosque and -- become a
Mohammedan. That way, he at least enjoyed the protection of the Pasha. The Rabbi knew that
he still had much to say and suddenly made haste: still in the period of detention during
investigation, during the interrogation, he converted to Islam, adopted the same name as
the Prophet for his own and henceforth called himself Mohammed Effendi, and it was done.
But we will let the newly-baked Mohammedan speak for himself, in his letter to the
Sherif-Pasha, the Governor General of Syria. Abu-el-Afieh, Mohammed Effendi, writes
(6): To obey Your Excellency's commands, I have the honor to
report to you the further circumstances of the murder of Father Thomas. Because I now
have nothing further to fear for my life, by virtue of my faith in Almighty God and in
Mohammed, his Prophet, whom I hereby most urgently call upon and hail:
(74) thus I witness the truth, as follows: ten or fourteen
days before that event (blood-murder) the Rabbi Jakob Antabli revealed to me that,
for the fulfillment of the command of our religion he was in need of human blood, that he
had spoken about this to the Hararis and they would be going ahead with the matter,
that the latter already had given their word on it and that I was supposed to be there. . .
On Wednesday, for the Jews the first of March, I went out in the afternoon to proceed to
go into the synagogue. I met David Harari who said to me: 'Come, we have need of
you.' He reported to me that Father Thomas was in his house and that he would be murdered
at night. As ordered, I went to Harari and found him sitting in the furnished room;
Father Thomas I also saw there, and how he was lying tied up. After sunset he was
slaughtered and brought into the unfinished room. The blood was caught in a thin basin and
filled up a white bottle. This they gave to me and said: 'Bring it right away to the Rabbi
Jakob Antabli.' I found the latter already waiting in the forecourt; as he
saw me, he stepped into the library room. 'It is too late" I said to him, 'here, take what
you want'; He took the bottle and placed it behind the books. I left him and proceeded
home.
When I later saw David and his brothers again, I said to them that this business would
incur unpleasantness for us, since investigations would be started, and that we had done
wrong to take such a well-known man. They calmed me down and said: nothing could be
discovered, the clothes were burned, that no traces remained, and that the flesh would be
thrown bit by bit into the canal by the servant, until there was nothing left.
Now, concerning the servant of the Father, I know nothing about that, aside from this,
that on the following forenoon, Thursday, I met the three Harari brothers together
and I heard as Isaak said to David: 'How are things going with this business?', and
David answered: 'Think no further about it, he has also gotten his portion'; at that
they began to whisper among one another.
(75)
As far as the blood is concerned, what other purpose could it serve, other than as for
the consecration of the Fatir (Festival of the unleavened bread = Jewish Easter).
How often before have the Jews done this already, and how often have the
authorities caught them at it? This can be learned from one of their books, named Sader
Adurut, in which several instances of this sort are found.
That is everything, according to my knowledge, regarding the affair of Father Thomas.
Mohammed Effendi."
We emphasize this one sentence from this document: "How often before have the Jews done
this" -- and we can assume that the writer of the letter knows considerably more than
he it finds strictly sufficient to admit for securing the salvation of his soul.
Ten days after this letter, in the session of the 13th Moharram, the Ex-Rabbi Mohammed
was confronted with the Head Rabbi Antabli. From the reports it does not emerge
whether they were at loggerheads or met with the smile of initiates. In any case, this
pair of cunning rogues, meeting, after all, in far from ordinary circumstances, held it
advisable to indulge themselves in the mirror-smooth plain of scientific interpretation of
the Talmud. This is not the place to get into the interpretations of both of the
"Scriptural scholars"; these should be illuminated in their particular relationship in
their own chapter after the conclusion of the historical factual materials.
At the conclusion of the discussion, the Pasha could not suppress a question as a
sideswipe at Mohammed the Turncoat: "If a Jew makes a statement which is disadvantageous
against another Jew or against the Jewish people, what does he deserve?" Mohammed Effendi
parried coldly with the following typical answer: "If a Jew says anything, which can harm
the Jewish people, so should he be killed without mercy; for such an individual
redounds to their disgrace; the Talmud does not let him live. This religion is
constructed upon this principle; that is why I converted to Islam, in order to be
able to speak. . ."
The Head Rabbi Jakob Antabli was at this point invited to give his comments to this
answer. He confirmed it, and added these words: one would set about having such an
individual (76) killed on the part of the government, or we
would kill him ourselves when we had the opportunity." The Pasha responded to this:
Mohammed Effendi has spoken correctly then. If now, however, it were a matter in which
the government, acting from its own opposing interests, would not consent to the
death of this man, what would you [Jews] do?" Jakob Antabli: "We would do our
utmost according to the circumstances, to take his life; any means would be proper for
us. Thus does our faith teach."
After this concluding play of question-and-answer, Mohammed Effendi was able to regard
the matter philosophically. The fact is, to anticipate a bit, he no longer had much time
to deal with his new faith or, to be on the safe side, to take refuge in yet another
one: shortly after the end of the hearings, he was gathered to his fathers [= he died] --
as the European Jewish newspapers would have it, allegedly as result of the "pains of
torture suffered" -- instead of which the Head Rabbi of Damascus probably only did "his
utmost" [See above, where Jacob Antabli answers the Pasha's question about what should be
done to turncoats.] . . .
Shortly before his death, however, the Ex-Rabbi translated, among other things, a
section from the "book of religion" Kethim, whose correctness has been confirmed by
Antabli. It reads: Whoever places at a disadvantage a religious comrade through
declarations which he makes in favor of a stranger [clearly meant by "stranger" is
"non-Jew"], and makes some statement against him to the government of the land, which
can incur a fine or physical punishment or death, is himself deserving of death. Such a
traitor has no hope of another world. . .and if he has made known only the intention of
making such a statement, with respect to the location or to the least detail, he
is thus from that moment guilty of the death, and those present are held responsible
to strike him dead or to do everything in their power, so that he might die, before he
carries out his intention. All who were fortunate enough to participate in his death,
obtain eternal indulgence. If he states something for the third time, without it having
been possible up till then to kill him, then they should assemble together and communally
confer how he might be gotten out of the way and likewise in what manner. All necessary
expenditures of this should be borne by the Jews of (77)
the place concerned. . ."(7) -- If we're not mistaken,
Mohammed Effendi had spoken extensively from the school of the Talmud!
The inquiries of the servant of the Father, Ibrahim Amara, which the latter had
initiated because he was disturbed over the extraordinarily long absence of his master,
alarmed the residents of the Jewish Quarter. The servant was also observed for the last
time at the entrance of the Jewish Quarter, then remained missing as if he had vanished
from the face of the Earth.
In the writing of Mohammed Effendi to Sherif-Pasha is contained one single,
indeed very clear hint. David Harari said to Mohammed Effendi in regard to
the servant: ". . .he, too, has received his portion!"
In a letter of the Austrian Consul to Damascus, Merlato, to his colleague
Laurin in Alexandria, dated 28 February 1840, it says: "There is still no trace
of the murder of the servant, but one assumes that he has met the same end in another house
of these rogues. Meanwhile, Murad Farahi, Aaron Stambuli, and several
others have hidden themselves and have fled, which lets us assume that they approved this
assassination. To Sherif-Pasha, who on this occasion has proven his astuteness and
perseverance, is due the chief merit of these inquiries. . ." -- Merlato soon changed his
views, however, as a result of definite and unambiguous instructions.
The protocols of the interrogation, which are added to the preceding statements, yield the
first fully clear picture of this murder case.
After initial denials, the servant Murad-el-Fattal finally declared
that on the day of the murder he was given the task by his master,
David Harari, to go immediately to Meir Farahi, Murad Farahi,
and Aaron Stumbuli, and to instruct them (78)
"to pay close attention as to whether the servant of the Father Thomas was coming
into the Quarter to search for his master, so that they might cook his goose before
he could sound the alarm." The servant now describes in detail how he imparted his mission
to the individual Jews, who, having gotten excited by this, came to an agreement among
one another. David Harari, who was personally on friendly terms with the Father,
was also aware of his habit of leaving behind exact information about where he was going for
his servant Ibrahim, because he felt somewhat insecure because of his advanced years, and
was glad of it when the servant went to meet him. The servant [of Father Thomas] now
turned into the Jewish street and asked the Jews Aaron Stambuli, Meir Farahi,
Aslan Farahi and Isaak Piccioto, who were coming out of their houses, about
the failure of his master to return. Meir Farahi pointed to his house and answered:
"Your master stayed with us late; he is inoculating a child in there, if you want to wait,
go inside and look for him." Murad-el-Fattal went back to David Harari after
finishing his mission. When the latter now learned that the servant of the Father was
already located in the house of Meir Farahi, Murad-el-Fattal had to
immediately turn around again and check to see "what was happening with Ibrahim."
Murad-el-Fattal testified before the Court about this: "I again went to Meir
Farahi and found the door bolted, and I knocked: Meir Farahi opened it and I asked him
in the name of my master, whether they had seized the servant. He replied: 'We have him;
do you want to come in, or do you want to leave again?' I stepped inside and found there
Isaak Piccioto and Aaron Stambuli. They were just getting busy binding his
hands behind his back with his own handkerchief; they'd stuffed his mouth with a white
cloth. This occurred on the small couch which was located in the exterior little courtyard,
where the lavatories are, into which afterwards were thrown the flesh and the bones; the
doors they had blocked with a beam, which was lying in the courtyard. After Isaak
Piccioto and Aaron Stambuli had bound his hands behind his back, he was thrown
to the floor by Meir Farahi, Murad Farahi, Aaron Stambuli, Isaak
Piccioto, Aslan Farahi, Abu-el-Afieh (8) and
Joseph (79) Farahi, the seven Jews who were present
at the slaughter. But there were also those among them who only watched. A basin of
tin-plated copper was brought up, placed against his neck and Murad Farahi stabbed
him with his own hands. Meir Farahi and I held his head, Aslan Farahi and
Isaak Piccioto held the legs and sat on them, Aaron Stambuli and the rest
held his body fast, so that he couldn't move, until the blood had stopped flowing. I
remained for a quarter-hour yet in order to wait until he was entirely dead.
Aaron Stambuli poured the blood into a large white bottle through a new funnel of
tin-plate, like the oil dealers use; when the bottle was filled, it was handed over to
Moses Abu-el-Afieh. Then I went to my master, in order to provide a report of all
that I had seen."
The young Aslan Farahi confirmed this report in full extent. The Pasha was able to
determine later that the confessions fully agreed in their main points.
After the slaughter of both victims, a cheerful drinking bout was held that lasted till
morning. Afterwards, the murderous company gathered in the house of David Harari
and, according to the statements of the same servant who had to fill the pipes
of the "distinguished and wealthy Jews," discussed once again in detail both
butcherings and exchanged the stories of their experiences, in particular how much time
had been necessary for it. It could be of value, if, for future cases, one knew all
about it!
After the interrogation, Sherif-Pasha, accompanied by high officers and the French Consul,
went into the Jewish Quarter in accordance with the summons of the court. All statements
were tested on the spot, a water drain pipe situated in the vicinity was opened and
bones were discovered there, and an amorphous mass of flesh that was recognized as a
liver, and a belt. The personal physician of the Pasha, Dr.Mussari, and the
physician Dr. Rinaldo declared the discovered bone and flesh parts to be human
remains. The single individual who was still making denials was Meir Farahi. As
his house was also being subjected to a thorough inspection, he was confronted by the
servant Murad-el-Fattal and the young Farah, who now repeated the story of
the fearful crime in all its details. Meir Farahi screeched: "You are crazy,
(80) you are out of your minds" and attempted to attack
them -- in his impotent rage, however, a fatal confession slipped out of him, as he
raged: "How? Do these men belong to the initiated, then, who know the secrets,
that they should have been allowed to partake in all [that was done]?" He did not succeed
in procuring an alibi and was placed in custody.
At the end of April 1840 -- two-and-a-half months, therefore, after the bestial
crime -- the trial could be considered concluded. This date is to be kept in mind, as
it is important for the events to follow. Sixteen Jews had taken part in the double-murder,
four were pardoned, ten were condemned to death. In Damascus the population awaited
the execution of the blood-murderers.
The Battue
[The title of this section, in German das Kesseltreiben, has the connotation of
hounds putting a stag or fox at bay -- and of beaters driving prey into a corner. It is
ironic that the role of stag-at-bay is played not by the killers, but by those who attempted
to bring them to justice!]
While the Court proceedings were still underway, Ratti-Menton had seen himself
induced to send the Pasha a message about unusual events. He wrote that the Jews, with the
intervention of the Austrian Consul Merlato, had sent an application to him, in
which they petitioned for omission of the intended translation of the Talmud and of
their special books, since this intention would be tantamount to a "degradation and shaming"
of the Jewish religion. At the same time, the Count reported that the Jews had offered an
official of his consulate, Herr v. Beaudin, 150,000 Piasters and also had placed
in prospect the increasing of the sum, if he should succeed in acquitting the Jews of the
suspicion of ritual-murder.(9)
After this attempt at corruption had failed, the Jewish negotiators attempted to attack
Count Ratti Menton by means of another consulate: this time 500,000 Piasters were
"bid." At the question from where these sums were flowing, the answer was that no one
was bearing these as a personal burden, the selfsame sums were already to be found in the
synagogue strong-box, under the designation "poor box." When further investigations
yielded the fact that this supposed "poor box" (81)
was a national, Gentile collection delivered to the synagogue for safe-keeping, which was
now supposed to be employed for the cover-up of ritual crimes perpetrated upon Gentiles,
it had to be said that cynicism had attained its absolute pinnacle!
The Allgemeine Zeitung wrote in its Number 152 of the year 1840 in respect to these
machinations, the following: "The trial against the Jews is still not ended and the
criminals still not punished; but that Father Thomas was murdered by the Jews for a
religious purpose has been completely clearly proven. The inspection of several document
files, which was permitted to us on this point, leaves no doubt whatsoever. The French
Consul for Damascus, Count Ratti-Menton, has demonstrated the greatest
possible activity for the exploration of the truth in this matter. . .The Jews there are
supposed to far exceed all others in fanaticism, and since they previously were steadily
used as businessmen (10) by the Pashas in command in that very
place because of their wealth, they thus possessed significant influence, which made
them frightening to the Christians there. Although every year in Damascus
Christian children disappeared suddenly without a trace, although the Jews were
always under suspicion for it, no one dared accuse them, indeed, no one dared to
pursue the trail of a well-founded suspicion, so great was the influence which their
money procured for them with the corruptible Turkish authorities. Now, as well, there has
been no lack of offers of money; to the Secretary of the French Consul a very high sum was
proposed, would he but exert himself to instill into the Consul another
opinion of this matter. . ."
The French Consul and his officials had remained incorruptible -- the recognition of
their correct behavior was bestowed on them by the Jewish International itself, in that
now a genuine crusade against these men, in particular the Count Ratti-Menton, was
instituted. After the results of the first investigations were made known in Europe,
these Jewish machinations and malicious remarks increased to a hurricane. What lies
(82) didn't the Press-Jews in every nation come up with in
the so-called "world newspapers," in order to defame the Consulate and its energetic
investigations!
Go to Damascus/Page 2
Back to Table of Contents
|